Iran Says All Mosques Are Centers Of Fight Against Israel
Iran’s Foreign Ministry says all mosques in the world will remain the center of struggle against Israel until the complete liberation of Palestine.
Iran’s Foreign Ministry says all mosques in the world will remain the center of struggle against Israel until the complete liberation of Palestine.
In a tweet on the occasion of the anniversary of the fire at Jerusalem's Al-Aqsa Mosque -- known to Jews as the Temple Mount – 53 years ago, foreign ministry spokesperson Nasser Kanaani said “the Zionists set fire to the Aqsa Mosque... and this was not their first and last crime by occupiers of Palestine.”
"Resistance is the only way to save Palestine, and al-Aqsa Mosque and all mosques in the world will remain the center of anti-Zionist resistance until the complete liberation of Palestine,” he said.
The arson attack on the al-Aqsa Mosque was carried out on August 21, 1969 by Australian citizen Denis Michael Rohan, who initially set fire to the pulpit. Initially, Israelis blamed the fire either on an accident related to ongoing renovations, or to a false flag attack by Palestinian group Fatah. The fire has been described as one of the most destabilizing incidents in the Middle East.
On Saturday, the commander of the Revolutionary Guard (IRGC) Hossein Salami said the war between Israel and Palestinians is not limited to Gaza and has expanded to the West Bank, claiming that many Israelis have been killed in operations by “resistance groups inside the occupied territories,” in the past several months. He added that the number of Israelis killed is significantly higher than the previous year.
The Jerusalem Post also claimed Saturday that Tehran “believes time is on its side” to “erode Israel’s power slowly” by unifying and arming Palestinian groups.
Centrist commentator Saeed Laylaz’s statements in 'reformist' daily Etemad on August 17, stirred controversy as expected. He seemed to justify Tehran’s alleged move to build nuclear bombs. He said in the interview: “"Peace comes out of gun barrels, not out of agreements," adding that "the knowhow of making nuclear bombs is Iran's geopolitical shield."
Meanwhile, Laylaz ruled out a possible agreement with the United States saying that "all possible achievements of an agreement about the revival of the 2015 nuclear deal would be temporary."
Laylaz also argued that Iran needed good governance and a campaign against corruption to solve its economic crisis, hinting that a nuclear deal and lifting of US sanctions are not magic wands.
Already expecting a controversy, the daily had added a rare disclaimer. Within hours, ‘reformist’ figures raised their voices that Laylaz was not speaking for them. “Mainstream reformists in Iran disagree with Laylaz and believe in an agreement,” said former deputy foreign minister Mohsen Aminzadeh.
Meanwhile, several social media activists charged that Laylaz was appeasing Iran’s Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei following a previous blunder involving an interview published in April 2021 in which apparently Laylaz cornered former Foreign Minister Javad Zarif to reveal Russia’s influence on the revolutionary guards, the IRGC.
Others noted that justifying Iran’s interest in nuclear bombs would have been okay if the comment was made by a conservative figure. They argued that Laylaz was playing according to the rules of the game that were set by Iran’s hardliners.
Conspicuously, while other reformists criticised Laylaz, his own proreform Party, the Executives of Construction, has so far remained silent.
It is still not clear whether Laylaz made the comments on behalf of the party where he is a member of the political bureau or he was speaking for himself.
Prominent reformist figure Abbas Abdi addressed Iran's reformists in a commentary published by Etemad Online. "A political group with self-confidence should not be afraid of comments that are different from the party line," Abdi said, and added that even if reformists disagree with Laylaz, they should welcome his comments rather than undermine them.
He also argued that Laylaz is an analyst not a man with political power. So, reformists should read his comments and think about them. However, he admitted that laylaz's analysis was characteristically controversial. He also criticized Laylaz for being insistent in issuing recommendations. "An analysis should make you think rather than suggest it is offering a remedy for all maladies,"said Abdi. "Assertiveness is good for a politician, but not for an analyst."
However, Abdi said that reformists comments about Laylaz's statements are regrettable. He accused Iran's reformists of failing to understand the true message of those statements, which was "Analysts should not try to simplify the Iran-US relations. These are not relations that are influenced by individuals. They are the products of a geopolitical situation."
They also ignored Laylaz's key message about Iran's domestic politics, Abdi argued: "Iran's main problem is not the JCPOA, it is one of lack of good governance and campaign against corruption,” and that was also an important message Laylaz tried to convey..
An article by journalist Seth Frantzman cites a Fars News interview with Hossein Salami, commander-in-chief of Iran’s Revolutionary Guards (IRGC), to claim Tehran had begun a plan to forge unity between Palestinian groups by “provoking tensions in Jerusalem, attempting to push the battle into Israel’s streets last year.”
Fars had described the violence in May 2021 – which escalated from protests by evicted Palestinian families in Sheikh Jarah, occupied east Jerusalem, and saw rockets fired from Gaza and Israeli air-strikes – as a “new phase” in which the Palestinians’ struggle had changed “from an intermittent to a continuous movement.”
The Fars report, Frantzman points out, named Jenin, Ramallah, Tulkarm, and Sheikh Jarrah as areas in the West Bank where Iran wanted more of “this pressure-cooker effect.” Salami noted that the Palestinian movement had “managed to equip itself with a large number of rockets” despite the geographical gap between West Bank and Gaza, both historically within mandate Palestine but outside 1947 Israel, and despite Israel building “concrete walls with…extremely modern and advanced…electronic and optical sensors.”
Frantzman also highlights Salami pointing out that to the north, Hezbollah in Lebanon had “hundreds of thousands of rockets…arrayed in front of the Zionist regime.”
The Jerusalem Post piece argues that Iran aims to drive Hamas into a united command with Palestinian Islamic Jihad (PIJ), which is an Iranian ally and earlier this month was involved in an exchange of fire from Gaza that led to 44 dead Palestinians, including 15 children, and three wounded Israelis.
‘Full-scale ground war’
The IRGC commander’s remarks showing more ambitious plans for regional interference comes as Iran is close to reaching agreement on reviving the 2015 nuclear deal. Opponents of the Biden Administration policy of reviving the agreement argue that it would simply provide more money to Iran for making mischief in the region, by lifting US sanctions.
This single command, Frantzman continues citing Salami, would then absorb “Palestinian factions in the West Bank,” presumably Fatah, and means Iran could “threaten Israeli with a multi-front war,” especially as Iran “mobilizes Hezbollah to control more of Lebanon” utilizing experience fighting Isis (the Islamic State group] in Syria to lead to a “full-scale ground war.”
Neither Salami nor Frantzman explain why Hamas or Fatah would accept Tehran-allied PIJ as such a driving force. While PIJ maintained its alliance with Iran and Syrian President Bashar al-Assad through the Syrian war, Hamas backed mainly Sunni rebels, left its offices in Damascus 2012 and has only recently started talks to resume relations with Assad.
‘Salami politics’
Frantzman disputes Salami’s claim that Israel’s withdrawal under fire from Lebanon in 2000, ending a 22-year occupation, shows Zionists “are not people who stay in the trenches.” Neither does he savor Salami’s wrestling notion that an opponent’s strength can sometimes be turned into a weakness.
But the Iranian plan ignores another factor, the potential influence of Saudi Arabia and its allies in Palestinian politics. It assumes that Iran is the only player in the region, while even Syria has improved ties with the United Arab Emriates.
The IRGC’s approach, Frantzman concludes, hinges on trying to replace the disunity long characterizing Palestinian politics. “The IRGC wants to stop this salami politics, this divide and conquer strategy. It wants the PIJ to united Palestinians, despite constant failure in this respect.”
The United States-based Human Rights Activists' News Agency (HRANA) reported Thursday that so far It has identified 62 Baha'i students who took the university entrance examination this year and were rejected for their faith.
HRANA has provided a list of the rejected Baha'i applicants. As in previous years, the applicants were told that the reason for their rejection was “incomplete application”.
The real number of Baha'i students deprived from higher education is likely to be higher as many prefer not to make their cases public. Some go on to join the Baha’i Institute for Higher Education (BIHE) to carry on their studies.
A Baha’i student who passes the university entrance exam --the mandatory route for students wishing to gain admission to universities – even with top marks, can still be rejected because of a secret rule to Exclude Baha’i students. Baha’i applicants receive a notice of “deficient documentation” for their application and complaining to authorities has no effect in changing their circumstances.
According to Justice for Iran, a London-based human rights group, Mohammad-Reza Hashemi-Golpayegani, former secretary of the Supreme Council of the Cultural Revolution, had a key role in mandating the ban on Baha'i students’ exclusion from universities.
The council’s directive has been implemented since 1991 whenHashemi-Golpayegani served as its secretary. The directive stipulated that Baha’i children could go to school as long as they didn't profess their religion in public.
Most of the council’s members are appointed by Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei.
The Shia clergy consider the Baha’i faith as a heretical sect. Bahai’s, who number around 300,000 in Iran, are systematically prosecuted, discriminated against, and harassed. They cannot hold jobs and the public sector and are sometimes sacked from their jobs in the private sector under pressure from authorities.
Simin Fahandej, a spokeswoman for the Baha'i International Community, said in March that over 1,000 Baha'i citizens in Iran were awaiting trial and sentencing. she also said confiscation of Baha'i citizens’ assets and handing them over to the Execution of Imam Khomeini's Order (EIKO), which is known in Persian simply as Setad, has been on the rise and the past few years.
EIKO is a huge business conglomerate, presented as a charity, directly run by Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei’s office. EIKO was sanctioned on January 13, 2021, days before President trump left office, under the Executive Order (E.O.) 13876, which was imposed for Iran’s regional destabilizing activities and its missile program.
Several countries including Canada, the United States, and Britain have expressed concern over the Islamic Republic’s systematic prosecution, harassment, and discrimination against the Baha'i minority.
“The UK is deeply concerned by increasing arrests of the Baha’i in Iran, including recent reports that the Iranian government has demolished houses and confiscated land in Roushankouh, [northern] Iran. Former spiritual leaders of the Baha’i in also reported to have been detained,” Tariq Ahmad, Britain's minister of state for South Asia and the Commonwealth at the Foreign Office, said in a press release on Aug 5.
On August 3, the US State Department’s Office of International Religious Freedom called on the Islamic Republic to stop its ongoing oppression, saying that “Amid a continued rise in arrests, sentences, and imprisonments, the US urges Iran to halt its ongoing oppression of the Baha'i community and honor its international obligations to respect the right of all Iranians to freedom of religion or belief.
