Russian Deputy Prime Minister Alexander Novak, in charge of energy diplomacy, arrived in Iran Tuesday and stressed the benefits of more cooperation in the oil and gas sectors, Moscow said.
Russia and Iran, both under Western sanctions, are forging closer ties in order to support their economies and to undermine Western sanctions which they both cast as unjustified.
Novak met Iranian Oil Minister Javad Owji and also visited a number of oil and gas equipment manufacturers and discussed prospects for working together in the fuel, energy and transport sectors, the Russian government said in a statement.
"The oil and gas industry is a backbone for the economies of our countries. Strengthening bilateral cooperation in this area will undoubtedly increase the economic sustainability of Russia and Iran," it quoted Novak as saying.
The two sides also discussed cooperation in the field of electrical and nuclear energy as well as renewable energy sources, the statement added, but gave no details.
Iran claimed last year that Russia was ready to invest $40 billion in Iran’s energy sector, but despite similar reports in the past Moscow’s involvement in Iran’s economy remains negligible, except its technical support for the Busher nuclear reactor.
Iran has been supplying kamikaze drones and possibly other weapons to Russia since mid-2022 that have been used against Ukraine. Western countries have deplored the Iranian arms transfers and imposed sanctions on individuals and entities involved.
Russia started fuel exports to Iran by rail this year for the first time after traditional buyers shunned trade with Moscow, industry sources and exports data revealed in April.
With reporting by Reuters
The location in the southwest of Iran was revealed Monday by Alma center, a non-profit research organization which focuses on the security challenges on Israel's northern borders.
The UAV base is carved into the Zagros mountains near Shiraz, Fars province, according to a video released by Alma. The location is about 10km from Shiraz airbase, which also houses the air force's SU-24 jets of the 72nd tactical fighter squadron.
The base’s proximity to the strait of Hormuz in the Persian Gulf “threatens the entire Middle East at any given moment”, Alma warned.
Satellite footage provided by the center shows the drone base consists of a site for a “swarm” – a coordinated unit of multiple drones – and a command-and-control center.
The swarm base has at least five UAV launch silos as well as three access tunnels and a loading dock tunnel.
The UAVs that can be launched from the silos are Shahed, the same kamikaze attack drones the regime is supplying to Russia for its invasion of Ukraine.
The underground base is at least 3km long with an entrance near Shiraz industrial town, where parts are probably made or assembled.
The 2,000km range of Iran’s attack UAVs drones allowed it attack sites beyond Israel as far as Cairo, Alma claimed.
The Iranian authorities have released images of drone bases but never disclosed their locations.
Last year in March, Israeli media reported that an Israeli aerial attack destroyed hundreds of drones at an IRGC airbase in the Iranian province of Kermanshah. Six Israeli drones struck the base in Mahidasht region near the western city of Kermanshah in a covert operation. In response, Tehran pounded Iraq’s Kurdistan region with missiles for week, claiming the targets were bases used by Israel.
In April, Iran released footage of top brass visiting a large underground base housing a large number of drones. Earlier, in February, Iran revealed an underground air force base called
"Eagle 44", saying it is the first of its kind large enough to house fighter jets, with reports that the base is also capable of storing and operating drones. Iran’s lack of a viable modern air force due to long-running sanctions and arms embargoes leaves it mostly relying on missiles and drones.
There has been growing speculation recently over an Israeli air attack on Iran to contain its military program. The US and Israel held large-scale drills in January in possible preparation for such an attack.
Many Iranians didn't sleep all night after the polls closed in Turkey on May 14 and keenly followed election results on Iranian and international media, partly because of what an Iranian Twitter user noted as a similarity between the Turkish elections and the disputed Iranian presidential election in 2009.
International relations commentator Ehsan Movahedian wrote about the similarity: "The bipolar situation in Turkey is reminiscent of the 2009 election and its bitter consequences. Erdogan's provocative speeches reminds one of Iran's former President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad. The United States and Israel are lurking to take advantage of the situation and Iran is worried."
Just hours after polls closed in 2009, the regime announced that President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad had wone the election in the first round. Millions of voters and the losing candidate Mir-Hossein Mousavi disputed the hasty announcement and months of protests ensued. Thousands were arrested, dozens killed, and the mechanism of repression received a huge boost.
During the past few days, military forces in northeast Iran, which borders Kurdish populated eastern Turkey were put on a state of alert to control possible demonstrations following a likely victory by the opposition coalition leader Kamal Qelichdaruglu [Kilicdaroglu], social media reports said.
When the results were finally declared Monday morning, May 15, and incumbent President Recep Tayyip Erdogan and Qelicichdaruglu went through to take part in the run-off election in two weeks' time, Iranians began to ask themselves on social media where did all the interest in Turkish election come from.
The Iranian Foreign Ministry congratulated Erdogan and called the result "a victory for democracy." That was a very meaningful message from a country where a similar election in 2009 led to serious political strife with lasting deep wounds that seriously dented the legitimacy of the Islamic Republic.
The Twitter accounts of Iranian newspapers constantly updated the results throughout the night as they came in from Turkish media.
Iranian journalist Sadegh Alhosseini called the election a miracle, and called on Iranians to compare Erdogan's legacy with political dynamics in Iran and Saudi Arabia. Another Iranian journalist, Mehdi Rahbar, wrote: "This was the toughest challenge Erdogan faced during the past 20 years. And it is going tougher for him in the run-up election although Qelichdaroglu does not have a smooth path ahead of him either."
Yet another Iranian journalist, Mohammad Motlagh wrote Sunday night: "Iran is the biggest winner of Turkey's election. If Erdogan wins, that would be the beginning of the decline of NATO and probably conflicts between Turkey and Greece; and if Qelichdaroglu wins, it means harnessing the war in Caucasia [Armenia-Azerbaijan], reduction of tensions in Syria and Iraq and more interest in Russia to get closer to Iran."
Iranian academic Fatemeh Shams wrote: "Erdogan's defeat makes me happy as Iran's defeat will do. Do not underestimate Erdogan and his Mafia's corruption and radicalism. If the opposition wins the election in Turkey many dynamics will change in the region."
Iranians saw the Turkish vote as democracy in action. As Iranian journalist Amir Hossein Mossala Pointed out, "No matter which candidate wins the election, the people of Turkey are its winners. They do not have leaders with absolute powers for life. There is no engineered election and arbitrary vetting of candidates in Turkey."
As an Iranian social media user observed, "Both sides have claimed victory, but [unlike Iran in 2009] no one attacked Qelichdaroglu's campaign or arrested its staff. SMS service has not been cut off, observers have not been expelled from polling stations, and Erdogan's supporters did not take to the streets with clubs in their hands. Turkey did not welcome darkness."
