Iran Executes Man In Public: Rights Group Brands It ‘Medieval’
Despite an upsurge in criticism against Iran's renewed hanging spree, Iranian authorities executed a man in public in front of large crowds Thursday, a rights group revealed.
Despite an upsurge in criticism against Iran's renewed hanging spree, Iranian authorities executed a man in public in front of large crowds Thursday, a rights group revealed.
Iran Human Rights (IHR) reported that the man, who was convicted of the capital crime of "corruption on earth" -- a vague Islamic law term interpreted among the highest crimes by the Islamic Republic and punishable by death -- was executed in the city of Maragheh in Eastern Azerbaijan.
“The international community cannot endorse such medieval practices,” said IHR director Mahmood Amiry-Moghaddam, adding the execution shows the “true face of a government that tries to prolong its life with cruelty, humiliation and intimidation of society.”
Iranian news websites showed images of what appeared to be hundreds of people gathered to watch the execution behind a security tape as prosecutors spoke to reporters.
The man was shown blindfolded next to his two executioners in balaclavas. Another image showed him standing on a chair ahead of the execution with the noose around his neck and hanging from a rope attached to a crane once dead.
Although the nature of the alleged crimes was not immediately clear, the convict, who was first arrested some five years ago, was found guilty of charges related to his sexual relations with women.
In Iran, more people are executed each year than in any other country other than China, according to rights groups including Amnesty International, but public executions are relatively rare, with most hangings taking place inside prisons.
There were no public executions in 2021, according to IHR.
Due to ecological hazards, the environmental department of Khuzestan has objected to the implementation of the project. An official of the department, Sirous Karimi, told Etemad newspaper Wednesday that environmental evaluation of the project is ongoing and a permit for development of the field is still pending.
Mohammad Javad Ashrafi, a former director general of Khuzestan’s department of environment, also told Etemad newspaper that he development of the oil field has been put on the agenda due to the policy of giving priority to the development of oil and gas fields shared with Iraq.
According to Ashrafi, the department rejected the construction of 25 platforms and 35 wells as originally proposed by the National Iranian Oil Company (NIOC) which required the draining of fifteen separate locations covering an area of around 30 hectares of marshes.
The NIOC then modified its proposal and reduced the locations to six areas of around 3 hectares each which the department has also not accepted, he said.
Hoor al-Azim, part of the complex of Hawizeh marshes that straddle the Iran-Iraq border, is home to several endangered bird species, unique water plants, and fish. Only one-third of the marshes are on the Iranian side of the border. The marshes play a significant role against dust storms that have plagued southwestern provinces of Iran in the past two decades.
Over half of the Iranian part of Hoor al-Azim, once over 60,000 hectares, has dried up since the late 1980s because of draughts, extraction of water for agriculture, construction of roads and dykes, the many dams built on Karkheh River on the Iranian side of the border and the change of Tigris River’s course on the Iraqi side.
Sohrab Oil Field is in northern Dezful (Abadan Plain) in the vicinity and parallel to Iran-Iraq border, north of Azadegan oil field. It has been detached from Azadegan oil field by an embayment.
During President Ebrahim Raisi’s visit to the province in late April, the managing director of NIOC, Mohsen Khojasteh-Mehr, said operations to develop the oil field had begun.
Representing the NIOC, the Petroleum Engineering and Development Company (PEDEC) is managing the project and the Tehran-based Dana Energy Company is in charge of developing the field, he was quoted by the oil ministry’s news agency Shana on April 28.
The field is estimated to hold 2 billion barrels of oil in place. According to Shana, the first stage of development operations is expected to help extract 30,000 barrels per day (bpd) from the field based on estimates, targeting cumulative production of 160 million barrels of crude oil over 20 years.
Discovered in 2012, the NIOC drilled the first exploration well, Sohrab-1, in the same year. A second exploration well followed in the southern part of the field in 2014.
In August 2021, Ahmadreza Lahijanzadeh, a deputy of the department of environment, said a Japanese company originally chosen to develop the field was prepared to carry out the project by using an advanced technology to avoid draining the marshes but the project was eventually given to a Chinese company that undertook to implement it at 20 percent cheaper but at the cost of drying the marshes.
Abolqassem Delfi, former senior foreign ministry official and ambassador to France, in an interview with Didban website in Tehran argued that Iran made “big concessions” to Saudi Arabia but gained little in return.
“What we have achieved by the Beijing agreement can be debated and there are differences of opinion in the country. Some believe that Iran has not benefited equally from the deal as much as China and Saudi Arabia have achieved,” Delfi said.
“We have given assurances that the region will remain calm, and we should contribute to regional security. This was one of Trump’s demands…for which he withdrew from the JCPOA,” the former diplomat maintained.
Delfi was referring to an apparent Iranian pledge to change its regional policies on Yemen and Syria.
For Riyadh, relative peace in Yemen would be a relief from constant concerns about cross-border attacks by Iranian-backed Houthis and the cost of a grinding war, allowing it to focus on its grand development projects, Delfi maintained.
Regarding Syria, the Saudis wanted to bring Bashar al-Assad back into the regional Arab orbit, dominated by Riyadh, and they made gains by having the Syrian dictator attend the Arab League summit in Jeddah last week.
In essence, by promising to tone down its regional policies, the Islamic Republic did what former US President Donald Trump wanted from Tehran in 2018 when he withdrew from the JCPOA nuclear agreement, putting forth 12 conditions, Delfi argued.
Just days after Trump announced the US withdrawal from the JCPOA, former Secretary of State Mike Pompeo put forth 12 demands as preconditions for normalizing ties with the Islamic Republic.
Besides demanding a tougher nuclear deal and an end to its missile program, Pompeo asked Tehran to cease weapons supplies and support to its regional proxies. He also demanded that Tehran should respect the sovereignty of the Iraqi government, end its support for Yemen’s Houthis and withdraw all forces under its command from Syria.
Delfi argued that these were “big concessions” that Iran could have made in different and better circumstances in exchange for an end to most US sanctions.
When the agreement to restore relations with Riyadh was announced on March 10, Iranian officials and government media began to hint at possible economic benefits from the deal. However, so far there has been scant evidence about Saudi Arabia extending a lifeline to Iran, which has been experiencing an economic crisis since the reimposition of US sanction in 2018.
In mid-March, after the Beijing agreement, Delfi had expressed more optimistic views on the impact of restoring ties with Saudi Arabia, arguing that it could be a signal that Tehran was ready to “return to rationality” in its foreign relations.
Delfi also hinted that the replacement of Ali Shamkhani as secretary of Iran’s supreme national security council early this week might impact nuclear talks with the West, although it is too early to pass definitive judgement.
As Nameh news in Tehran has reported, the Reform Front earlier this week named 15 reformist politicians as its "real persons" alongside several political entities as the "legal entities” under the umbrella organization. The development coincided with the anniversary of the 1997 presidential election which brought the country's first reformist government to power.
The members include former front chief Behzad Nabavi, former deputy foreign minister Mohsen Aminzadeh, media figure Mohammad Reza Jalaipour, religious-nationalist activist Emad Behavar, former Tehran city council chief Mohsen Hashemi and Fakhrolsadat Mohtashamipour the wife of jailed former deputy interior Minister Mostafa Tajzadeh.
According to Nameh News, former President Mohammad Khatami is still the pivot of the reform camp, but he is not likely to dictate anything to reformists. Nabavi is more likely to be elected once again as the leader of the reform front. During the past two days, several leading reformist figures wrote articles in the Tehran press to shed light on the status of the reformists who were barred from the last parliamentary and presidential elections in Iran in 2020 and 2021.
It was the Guardian Council, a constitutional body vetting candidates and controlled by Iran’s ruler Ali Khamenei that barred hundreds of candidates with adequate explanation.
In a commentary in Etemad Online, Hamidreza Jalaipour made it clear that the protesters in Iran have shunned both reformists and conservatives in their slogans, but said: "To save the country, we need reforms rather than a regime change." He said, "The call for regime change has empowered Iran's authoritarian hardliners."
Jalaipour further explained that "The government needs to embrace reformists in order to save the country." He added that the reforms started by Khatami in 1997 have remained incomplete and it is time to revive the reformist ideas as the authoritarian hardliners have been cornered by the people.
Reformist theoretician Mohammad Reza Tajik said, "Reformists can no longer hope in change of policy through preaching and offering advice." He added that aiming to seize political power, Iran's reformists should seek to return the element of expediency to the Iranian political frameworks.
Tajik further pointed out that from a philosophical standpoint, the ideal of the Sharia is to observe the Muslims' expediency and to want what is most reasonable for them. The aim is in a nutshell to satisfy the citizens rather than seeking to serve the interests of the rulers.
Meanwhile, explaining matters in a more down to earth style, reformist activist Fayzopllah Arabsorkhi said in an interview that the government's behavior has instilled despair in the Iranian society. He added that there is no sign to indicate the government has any interest in changing its approach.
He added that there are at least ten parallel institutions that interfere with the legislative function of the parliament. Members of the parliament do not have any political power while the heads of the three government branches and numerous councils make all the decisions for the country and the people.
Arabsorkhi added that all conservative leaders are saying is that you might want other things, but what you want will not make any change in the elections. This attitude makes elections meaningless, he said.
In a report on the situation, Rouydad24 wrote that reformists are likely to become more active as we get closer to the election date in March and a list of candidates is most likely to come out of the left wing, The Islamic Revolution's Mojahedin Organization (IRMO), a party where Arabsorkhi, Nabavi and Tajzadeh come from. According to Rouydad24, IRMO the most influential reformist political organization and can be the driving force behind the reform camp's strategy for the next parliamentary and presidential elections.
