Tehran Responds To Israeli Attack With Revenge Billboards
In the aftermath of Israel's attack on the Iranian consulate in Damascus, billboards bearing the slogan "We Take Revenge" in both Hebrew and English have sprung up across the Iranian capital.
In the aftermath of Israel's attack on the Iranian consulate in Damascus, billboards bearing the slogan "We Take Revenge" in both Hebrew and English have sprung up across the Iranian capital.
According to reports from the Iranian Students' News Agency (ISNA), the billboards, featuring images of Israeli military leaders, were placed in front of ten foreign embassies in Tehran, including those of Switzerland, Saudi Arabia, the UAE, France, Turkey, the UK, Germany, Azerbaijan, India, and Russia.
Iran's Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei on Tuesday vowed to "punish" Israel for the attack, which resulted in the deaths of seven IRGC members, including two generals. The sentiment was echoed by other senior Iranian officials, including President Ebrahim Raisi and Parliament Speaker Mohammad-Bagher Ghalibaf, who all promised “severe” repercussions.
The recent bombing marks a significant escalation in the ongoing hostilities between Iran and Israel, which began with an invasion by Iran-backed Hamas militia group that resulted in over 1,200 mostly civilian deaths and 250 hostages.
Iran's authorities in February unveiled a mural in Tehran's Palestine Square, featuring threats directed at its archenemy, Israel.
The mural, adorned with images of missiles and phrases in Persian and Hebrew, sent a message: "We are stronger and more determined than ever", amidst a proxy war which since October has seen Iran's militias across the region launch attacks on both Israel and its ally, the US.
It followed a similar display in January, accompanied by a warning of a "severe response", referring to the bombardment of Gaza. Just hours after the October 7 atrocities, posters also adorned public squares in Iran in celebration of the attacks.
Despite the regime's persistent anti-Western and anti-Israeli rhetoric, there are signs that support for such propaganda among Iranians is dwindling. Many Iranians now express opposition to the government's stance, indicating a growing disillusionment with the regime's policies and priorities.
In February 2017 authorities revealed the presence of two billion barrels of shale oil reserves in the western province of Lorestan. To try and ascertain the feasibility of extraction and develop efficient technologies, the governmental National Iranian Oil Company (NIOC) collaborated with universities on a pilot project. This effort was likely meant to showcase Iran's dedication to expand its energy sources.
The NIOC’s Exploration Manager Mehdi Fakour later alleged that ten locations containing shale oil resources had been found and confirmed. Confident in the ability of the NIOC’s extraction model, Fakour told the IRGC-affiliated Tasnim news agency that over 2.5 billion barrels equivalent of oil were added to Iran's reserves through new discoveries in 1402.
Though the discovery of shale oil reserves in Lorestan province could offer significant opportunities for Iran's energy sector, it also presents substantial obstacles for Tehran.
Iran’s vast challenges
Iran encounters numerous challenges in its quest for shale oil production. Obtaining the necessary technological expertise stands out as a major hurdle. While the current pilot project seeks to address this issue, Iran must also pursue technology transfer from more experienced nations to fully capitalize on its resources. Moreover, the economic feasibility of shale oil production is uncertain, underscoring the need for a thorough analysis of both technical capabilities and economic factors.
International sanctions have intensified Iran's pre-existing challenges in developing its oil sector, especially concerning its shale oil deposits. The regime’s ongoing proxy conflict with Israel has not only contributed to regional volatility and instability but has also impeded Iran's ability to attract international investment and technology from countries like Israel and the US.
Additionally, a significant challenge stems from the scarcity of water, which is crucial for shale oil production. To address this issue, Iran must explore water-saving technology and techniques. This entails investing in strategies to conserve water and adopting technology for recycling and reusing water resources throughout the extraction process.
Does Tehran see major potential in shale oil?
The discovery of shale oil presents a tremendous opportunity – if Tehran genuinely wants to utilize its energy resources to foster prosperity and enhance its global influence. This finding could enable the country to diversify its energy portfolio and diminish its dependence on traditional oil supplies.
Successfully exploiting shale oil deposits could increase Iran's oil production capacity, thereby compensating for declines resulting from depletion and mismanagement of existing reserves and the impact of sanctions. Increased production through successful shale oil exports could significantly bolster economic development. Exploiting these assets can enhance Iran's energy security by reducing its reliance on imported oil and gas.
Iran’s exaggerated claims and technical limitations
It’s important to note that Iran's actual claim of discovering significant shale oil deposits in Lorestan lacks any independent validation.
That coupled with the Iranian authorities’ long history of exaggerating energy reserves, casts a real shadow on the potential of any potential find in Lorestan.
So far, the NIOC’s ongoing pilot study has encountered numerous hindrances, including technological restrictions, economic limitations, and geopolitical complexities.
Unlocking Iran’s shale oil reserves would require Tehran to face and overcome these major roadblocks, and given the existing multi-layered constraints – skepticism is warranted.
Whether Iran’s government is capable of effectively tapping into Lorestan’s shale oil deposits, improving its people's well-being, remains to be anyone’s guess at this stage.
The Mayor, hardliner Alireza Zakani, along with other officials, say the construction of a mosque at Gheytarieh Park is in response to "popular demand" for providing places of worship for park users. The officials have also argued that the mosque would not significantly limit the park's space – nor would it harm its several-hundred-year-old trees.
Critics however, say there are already numerous mosques near the park, frequented by only a few worshippers during prayers. Some religious figures and activists have vehemently opposed Mayor Zakani's plans, particularly his intention to build mosques in all of the capital's parks.
“Building mosques is a community act of faith, not a municipal duty … Building parks, building highways, developing urban systems, optimizing roads, etc., are the duties of the municipality, which, praised be God, it does awfully little for,” Seyed Saeed Lavasani, a former Friday prayer Imam of Lavasan in northern Tehran tweeted on X.
One of the reasons cited by critics for the mayor’s insistence that mosques need to be built in parks stands out from the rest: a behind-the-scenes agreement between the mayor and the Islamic Revolutionary Guards (IRGC) and other authorities to expand the network of mosques, as well as the Basij militia bases stationed at them, across the capital.
People opposed to construction of the mosque at Gheytarieh Park measure the girth of the trees that have to be felled.
The Basij paramilitary force, which operates under IRGC command, has always been at the forefront in suppressing anti-government protests, alongside other security forces.
Didban-e Iran news website in an article entitled “Demystification of Construction of a Mosque at Gheytarieh Park of Tehran” contended that the mayor’s zeal in building mosques drives from an agreement with the IRGC to provide more bases for housing Basij forces.
Instead of paying attention to the poor southern areas of the city, the Mayor of Tehran has begun plans to expand the network of mosques in the northern areas of the capital where public discontent is at its greatest,” the article read.
While arguing that construction of a mosque in Gheytarieh park without the consent of the public would backfire and make them hate Islam – and mosques as its most important symbol – Abolfazl Najafi-Tehrani, a cleric and social media activist, alleged that Zakani’s real plan is “to build Basij bases under the guise of the mosque”.
Mosques have played an important role in the security structure of the country since the Islamic Revolution of 1979. Many mosques across the country have previously housed the paramilitary Basij militia.
The militia, which recruited civilian volunteers from mosques to fight in the Iran-Iraq War (1980-1988) and acted as neighborhood police, was established by the order of the founder of the Islamic Republic, Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini, soon after the Revolution.
Until their dissolution in 1991, committees of the Islamic Revolution, also established in 1979 by Khomeini’s order, were also often stationed at mosques. Until their dissolution in 1991, they also took on the role of police and secret service in conjunction with security forces including the Revolutionary Guards, police, intelligence ministry, and Basij.
In the past few years, the Islamic Revolutionary Guards officials, particularly Brigadier General Hasan Hassanzadeh – commander of Mohammad Rasulullah Corps in Tehran Province – have often spoken of the implementation of a plan to “create Islamic neighborhoods” centered around mosques. In July 2023, Hassanzadeh said the plan, which was projected in 2017, had been implemented in 700 of the capital’s neighborhoods.
“Mosques and Basij Resistance bases should play a greater role in the cohesion of neighborhoods. The function of a mosque should not be confined to purely religious activities and their focus must include cultural and social functions alongside religious and devotional ceremonies,” he said.
Hassanzadeh has met with the mayor of Tehran several times in the past couple of years to discuss the municipality’s cooperation with the Basij.
In November 2021, addressing the members of Tehran City Council, Hassanzadeh said the Basij had 2,500 bases in Tehran and underlined the importance of “Islamic neighborhoods” and utilizing the “astonishing potentials of the Basij”.
In the same speech, he complimented Zakani, a former head of the Student Basij in universities, as “the most Basiji mayor of Tehran since the Revolution”.
