Hossein Hosseini, the Chief Justice of Iran’s Kordestan Province, has announced the establishment of a specialized branch at the Sanandaj Revolutionary Court specifically designed to handle cases of hijab removal.
Hosseini revealed that "a significant portion of those who commit hijab removal are under the ages of 15 and 18," highlighting the state's focus on penalizing young women.
The initiative is part of the broader Project Noor, which has ramped up enforcement of the Islamic Republic’s hijab laws, leading to increased violent confrontations on the streets as authorities clamp down on Iranian women. The forceful approach has sparked renewed global outrage.
Hosseini categorized individuals who remove their hijab into three groups: the first receives only a verbal warning for unintentional non-compliance; the second, includes those seen as encouraging others to unveil and are actively pursued by the authorities; the third group involves individuals accused of systematically challenging hijab, targeted by security and intelligence forces for organized defiance.
The newly launched court branch shows Iran's decision to criminalize what it perceives as “acts of rebellion” against its “moral codes,” particularly focusing on the youth. This strategy reflects the government’s desperation to assert control amid growing internal and international criticism.
Further unsettling reports have surfaced since the implementation of Project Noor, detailing police misconduct, including extortion, theft, andsexual harassment by officers tasked with enforcing hijab compliance. Such accusations exacerbate the already volatile relationship between the public and the police, eroding trust and stoking fears among the population.
Global human rights organizations, student bodies, and activists are vocally condemning such measures, highlighting the infringement on basic human rights and personal freedoms in Iran.
Dolat Bahar Telegram channel, run by Ahmadinejad supporters, posted a video of him on Saturday addressing his fans and saying that he’s confident “the situation is changing for the better.”
“There are rapid changes taking place, not just in Iran but in the world, and I am hopeful that we will soon see the sweet changes,” Ahmadinejad said.
A new president will be elected on June 28th following the death of Ebrahim Raisi and his delegation in a helicopter crash last weekend.
Ahmadinejad supporters in the parliament have already welcomed his possible candidacy, claiming he’s “one of the most popular political figures in the country.”
Speaking to ILNA, Ahmad Alireza Beigi, a representative of Tabriz in the parliament, said, "If Mahmoud Ahmadinejad runs for president, he will win."
He also warned about the consequences of Ahmadinejad's disqualification without going into further detail. He was barred from running in the 2017 and 2021 presidential elections by the Guardian Council largely controlled by Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei.
"Ahmadinejad must be assured that the Guardian Council will approve him for candidacy because if he signs up and is disqualified, it will have dire consequences," Alireza Beigi added.
After the former president was denied the chance to run in the 2017 elections, he became an outspoken critic of the system, even openly criticizing Mr. Khamenei. He has been walking a tightrope in the past two years and remaining mostly silent to avoid a backlash by loyalists close to the Supreme Leader.
Candidates seeking to run for the presidency, parliament, and the Assembly of Experts, which appoints Ali Khamenei's successor, must be approved by the Guardian Council, the constitutional election watchdog.
After Raisi's death, the Islamic Republic leader faces the challenge of re-engaging an electorate deeply disillusioned by recent elections. At the same time, efforts are being made to ensure that hardliners maintain control over the now largely ceremonial presidency, as state institutions undergo a purge to be filled entirely with Khamenei’s loyalists.
According to official statistics, 40.6 percent of eligible voters participated in the first round of the recent parliamentary elections. In Tehran, 24 percent of the population voted, the lowest in any election in the Islamic Republic's history.
Even lower turnout was recorded in the run-off elections earlier this month. In Tehran, where only seven percent of eligible voters cast their ballots.
On Saturday, Elias Hazrati, the managing editor of Tehran’s leading reformist daily Etemad, pointed out that holding elections with low participation “is a disaster for any country and a more severe one for the Islamic Republic” since the vote of the people is used to validate the legitimacy of the system.
In regards to the elections, Iran analyst and journalist Morad Vaisi believes the Islamic Republic is about to enter its third phase.
“The first phase was about the left versus the religious right; the second phase was reformists against fundamentalists. The third phase involves military and security personnel,” Vaisi told Iran International.
“In the upcoming elections, we will not see any other faction members running; it will probably be someone among the military and security figures,” he added.
While many consider the Iranian presidency to be more of a symbolic post, with significant decisions made in Khamenei's headquarters, the eyes are on him to see what lies ahead in the country's political landscape.
Some also took the fact that the last three presidents—Hassan Rouhani, Mahmoud Ahmadinejad, and Mohammad Khatami—were not present at Raisi’s funeral on May 22, to be a symbolic gesture signaling the presidency's ever-eroding position since it was taken that they were not invited to the ceremony.
Additionally, Khamenei's apparent car-free attitude toward Raisi's death after the news broke about his helicopter crash and disregard for his role in the country were other indications of the disregard of the administration.
The Islamic Republic held controversial parliamentary elections in March, which were highly stage-managed by the constitutional Guardian Council, seen as generally taking its cues from Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei’s office. Hundreds of candidates were blocked by the Council, handing victory to hardliners. There was little popular appetite to vote in what appeared to be a certain one-sided election. Consequently, turnout was well below 50% and the lowest in the 45-year history of the Islamic Republic.
In fact, Raisi had also been elected in a similar fashion, with serious rivals having been barred from running in June 2021.
Although it is not clear if the upcoming presidential vote will also be stage-managed to eliminate an array of insiders, there is no indication that the majority of Iranian voters have changed their minds about the futility of casting ballots.
In an astonishing development, even for Iran, a hardline commentator on live state TV called for even stricter control of the elections to ensure that someone exactly like Raisi, who has been the most obedient president to Khamenei so far, is elected.
A similar call was made by the editor of hardline daily Kayhan Hossein Shariatmadari, who is appointed to the post by no one other than Khamenei himself. Shariatmadari said in his own complacent way that "People are looking for someone like Raisi and will not vote for anyone whose ideas are different from the former presidency." Whether this reflects Khamenei’s preference as election campaigning soon begins, is not clear.
Meanwhile, Iranian media quoted Omid Javan, a newspaper born with Iran's reform movement in 1997, as saying that it is still not clear whether this election is going to follow the closed model set in 2021 or it will be similar to 2017 election, which allowed non-hardliners to run.
When Raisi was elected in 2021, everyone, even other conservative candidates knew that he was Khamenei's choice and that he would be named as the winner. All high-profile moderate and reformist candidates were barred from running.
Between 2009 and 2021, the regime allowed minimal reformist presence in the election. In 2017 former president Hassan Rouhani used the wave of support for his predecessor Akbar Hashemi Rafsanjani, sidelined by Khamenei.
The candidates for the upcoming election have not been announced yet, as they are waiting for the mourning period following Raisi's death to conclude. This period will end on Saturday when Khamenei holds a commemoration ceremony for his obedient servant. During this session, he may provide his first guidelines regarding the election. It would be considered impolite and disrespectful to start campaigning before then.
Registration of candidates will take place between May 30 and June 3. The Guardian Council will do the vetting quickly in a matter of less than two weeks, and then official campaigning will start on June 12 and will continue until one day before the 18 June voting day.
There will probably be several conservative and ultraconservative candidates including former Majles Speaker Mohammad Bagher Ghalibaf and ultraconservative figurehead Saeed Jalili, while Iran's reformists are going to decide on Sunday, whether to have or not have a candidate. In the meantime, reformist leader Mohammad Khatami has said that there is no point for reformists to take part in the election if they do not have a candidate. That Khatami was not invited to the funeral ceremony led by Khamenei, possibly an early indication that Khamenei does not want to see any reformist around.
This is the first time an Iranian presidential election is taking place just months before the US presidential elections. This timing prevents Khamenei from selecting a president or candidate based on their potential interactions with the next US president.
The most likely candidate in the reform front is Majid Ansari, a cleric whose career includes serving as a prison warden. On the moderate-conservative side, former Majles Speaker Ali Larijani may or may not run as some analysts say Khamenei has not forgiven him for forging close ties with former President Hassan Rouhani in what hardliners perceived as a conspiracy to influence the process of Khamenei’s succession.
Interestingly, it will once again be up to Khamenei to decide whether to open up the political landscape after Raisi's death or to continue with the political purging that Raisi epitomized.
