As Monday, August 12, unfolded in the Middle East, there were no major military actions in the region, despite earlier media warnings that Iran was preparing a retaliatory strike.
Araghchi, born in Tehran in 1962, earned his PhD in Political Science from the University of Kent in the UK.
Araghchi, who, like many Iranian officials, views former IRGC commander Qasem Soleimani as "Iran’s role model" and Hezbollah’s Hassan Nasrallah as "Lebanon’s role model," joined Iran’s Revolutionary Guards (IRGC) in the early days of the revolution in 1979.
In a 2013 interview with Panjereh, a weekly publication aligned with the IRGC, Araghchi reminisced about his time as a Revolutionary Guard, saying, "My heart remains with them, and I have carefully preserved the sacred uniforms from those days."
He also described Ali Khamenei as "our everything," and stated, "For me, he transcends the roles of leader and Supreme Leader; in a word, he is 'Agha' (Sire)."
Araghchi has one daughter and two sons. In the same interview, he mentioned that his son-in-law is a cleric, adding, "To me, the clerical robe is sacred; it embodies virtue and is without flaw."
In 1989, after his service with the IRGC, Araghchi worked as a diplomat in Saudi Arabia. In 1999, Araghchi was appointed as Iran's ambassador to Finland. He later served as Iran's ambassador to Japan from 2007 to 2011. Following his tenure in Japan, Araghchi returned to Iran, where he took on the role of Deputy for Asia at the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and briefly served as the ministry's spokesperson.
Role in foreign ministry during President Rouhani’s administration
Araghchi served as deputy to Foreign Minister Mohammad Javad Zarif during Hassan Rouhani's administration, playing a pivotal role in the negotiations that led to the 2015 JCPOA nuclear deal. His involvement in the talks alongside Zarif brought Araghchi widespread recognition.
However, his experience in Iran's nuclear negotiations extended back to the tenures of Ali Larijani and Saeed Jalili as secretaries of the Supreme National Security Council. During the JCPOA negotiations, many viewed him as Khamenei's trusted representative on the nuclear team—a belief later validated by his subsequent appointments.
In the final days of Rouhani’s government in 2021, Araghchi, as head of the nuclear negotiation team, traveled to Vienna to lead talks on reviving the JCPOA with the Biden administration. However, the negotiations failed to produce any results, with Rouhani and Zarif attributing the failure to domestic sabotage and parliamentary interference.
When Ebrahim Raisi's administration took over, all members of Zarif's team were dismissed. However, Araghchi was appointed as the Secretary of the Strategic Council on Foreign Relations, a position he still holds today. The Strategic Council on Foreign Relations, established in 2006 by order of the Supreme Leader, has its members appointed directly by Khamenei.
Kamal Kharazi, head of the council, stated in October 2021, "The Leader's view on Abbas Araghchi was that he should be utilized within the council, leading to his appointment as secretary."
Under Raisi's administration, Iran’s acting foreign minister, Ali Bagheri-Kani, a close associate of hardliner politician Saeed Jalili, assumed the role of chief negotiator with the West. Bagheri-Kani was reported to have adhered to Jalili's negotiation strategies, which ultimately failed to produce any agreements. In 2013, Araghchi remarked on Bagheri-Kani, saying, "We differed in our negotiation approaches, but I had, and still have, great respect for him."
Family controversies and nephew’s corruption scandal
During his tenure as Deputy Minister of Foreign Affairs under President Hassan Rouhani, Abbas Araghchi was indirectly involved in a corruption case.
His nephew, Ahmad Araghchi, appointed as Deputy for Foreign Exchange at the Central Bank in August 2017, was arrested in August 2018 on charges related to a foreign currency exchange corruption case.
At the time, conservative media outlets criticized Ahmad Araghchi’s appointment at the Central Bank as an example of "nepotism and family favoritism."
Gholamhossein Mohseni Ejei, the judiciary spokesperson at the time, accused Ahmad Araghchi of "disrupting the country’s economic, foreign exchange, and monetary system."
Ahmad Araghchi was released on bail two months after his arrest, but his legal ordeal continued. Initially, Tehran's Revolutionary Court sentenced him to eight years in prison as the case’s second defendant. However, the Supreme Court later overturned this sentence, reducing his sentence to fines, while the prison sentences of most other defendants were upheld.
Opposition to Iran’s Woman Life Freedom protests
During Iran’s "Woman, Life, Freedom" nationwide uprising, which spurred large-scale protests by the Iranian diaspora in support of demonstrators inside Iran, Abbas Araghchi, Secretary of the Strategic Council on Foreign Relations, stated, "We should not allow protests to be constantly held against us…Although I believe the Islamic Republic is stronger than this and won’t be shaken by these winds, we still must ensure that the damage does not escalate."
The new president’s prayer leader
With Masoud Pezeshkian’s confirmation as a presidential candidate, Araghchi, along with other former members of Rouhani’s government, threw his support behind him.
On June 8, 2024, during the election campaign, a photo emerged from Pezeshkian's campaign headquarters showing him and Zarif praying behind Araghchi. This image energized Pezeshkian's supporters and positioned Araghchi as the leading candidate for Minister of Foreign Affairs in the upcoming administration.
Now, with Pezeshkian’s presidency underway, Araghchi is poised to potentially return to the top position at the Ministry of Foreign Affairs. It is expected that he will face some tough opposition in parliament for his role in the nuclear deal, but if Khamenei has already agreed to his candidacy, he will eventually receive a vote of confidance.
Pezeshkian's administration, which pledged to reduce tensions in foreign policy, faced an immediate crisis when Ismail Haniyeh, the leader of Hamas, was assassinated in Tehran just one day after the inauguration.
The killing of Haniyeh and the possibility of Iranian retaliation against Israel could shift the primary issue on Araghchi’s desk from reviving the JCPOA to addressing regional conflict.
Zarif revealed that of the 19 ministers introduced, only three were the first choices recommended by the steering committee responsible for candidate selection. He noted that ten of the proposed ministers were not on the council's list at all.
Zarif's resignation underscores his frustration with the process, lamenting that he was unable to implement the expert opinions of the committees formed to find the best possible candidates or fulfill his promises to include women, youth, and ethnic groups in the cabinet.
"I am not satisfied with the outcome of my work and I am ashamed that I could not achieve the expert opinion of the committees and the inclusion of women, youth, and ethnic groups as I had pledged," Zarif stated in his post. He further announced his intent to return to academia, apologizing to the Iranian people for his inability to navigate the complexities of domestic politics.
Zarif’s resignation has intensified scrutiny and criticism of Pezeshkian's cabinet choices. Azar Mansouri, head of the Reform Front, also condemned the proposed cabinet, remarking that "One should not expect miracles from this government, especially considering that more than 80% of the country's power is in the hands of other entities."
Pezeshkian’s cabinet: old faces, old problems
Pezeshkian's list of proposed ministers, sent to Parliament for approval, has drawn criticism for being a step backward. The cabinet, with an average age of 59.7 years, contradicts Pezeshkian’s earlier promise that 60% of the ministers would be under 50. In reality, only two ministers fall into this category, leading to widespread disappointment among those who expected a younger, more dynamic government.
Abbas Araghchi, introduced as the Minister of Foreign Affairs, served as the deputy to Zarif during Hassan Rouhani's presidency, playing a key role in the nuclear negotiations with the West. Meanwhile, Esmail Khatib, nominated as the Minister of Intelligence, has a negative record, including the explosion in Kerman on the death anniversary of former IRGC commander Qasem Soleimani in January, which resulted in hundreds of casualties, as well as the assassination of Hamas leader Ismail Haniyeh in Tehran.
The inclusion of figures like Abdolnaser Hemmati, former Central Bank head and 2021 presidential candidate, as Minister of Economy, further underscores the lack of new blood in the cabinet.
According to an investigation by Iran International, 11 of Pezeshkian’s proposed ministers have previously served in the administrations of Raisi and Rouhani. This recycling of political figures suggests a continuation of the same policies that have led Iran into its current state of crisis.
Alireza Kazemi, proposed as the Minister of Education, is another controversial choice. Kazemi, the brother of the IRGC Intelligence Chief, has a background in seminary teaching and drug control, raising concerns about his relevance to the education ministry.
Reformist discontent and Khamenei’s influence
The proposed cabinet has drawn sharp criticism from reformists, who are dismayed by the inclusion of several conservative ministers from the Raisi administration.
Rahmatollah Bigdeli, a member of the Government’s Strategic Council, pointed out that the most important ministries have been handed over to 'Principlists,' indicating a consolidation of hardline power.
Political activist Abdollah Ramezanzadeh criticized the nomination of Eskandar Momeni as Minister of the Interior, stating, "The worst periods for the Ministry of Interior in the past 46 years have been when military personnel were in charge." This sentiment reflects broader concerns about the increasing militarization of Iran’s government.
Political analyst Reza Alijani highlighted the pervasive influence of Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei over the selection of ministers, noting that the Ministry of Interior, Ministry of Intelligence, and Ministry of Foreign Affairs are all critical points that Khamenei has secured for his loyalists. This observation underscores the limited autonomy Pezeshkian has in forming his government, with Khamenei’s shadow looming large over the process.
A cabinet under fire
The discontent surrounding Pezeshkian’s cabinet is palpable. Reformists are particularly upset by the absence of Sunni representation and the inclusion of only one woman among the proposed ministers.
Political activist Ahmad Zeidabadi pointed out that the cabinet "has two or three fundamental flaws," but if Pezeshkian believes he can work with these choices, "there is no reason for us to be more royalist than the king."
Pro-reform activist and former MP Parvaneh Salahshouri was even more direct, writing on X that Pezeshkian "has failed his first test except in a few cases." This sentiment was echoed by other reformist activists, who had warned Pezeshkian before the cabinet announcement that his selections were problematic.
Javad Emam, spokesperson for the Reform Front, criticized the continued dominance of military and paramilitary forces in Iranian politics, questioning the point of holding elections if the outcome remains unchanged.
"Ultimately, the President is responsible for his cabinet, and no lobbyist or imposing figure will take responsibility for the government. So, while there is time, reconsider," Emam urged Pezeshkian.
Even Shahram Dabiri, Pezeshkian’s Parliamentary Deputy, acknowledged the influence of Khamenei in the cabinet formation, writing on X that Pezeshkian had clearly stated that the cabinet members would be selected with Khamenei's opinion and approval.
A government of crisis
Political analyst Rouhollah Rahimpour summed up the situation by stating that Pezeshkian is starting his government with three major crises: political-security, social, and regional. The challenges facing this new administration are immense, and with a cabinet that appears to be more of the same rather than a harbinger of change, the prospects for meaningful reform in Iran look increasingly bleak.
In fact, Iranian government-controlled media, except echoing the reported Israeli warnings, were virtually silent about the issue of Hamas leader Ismail Haniyeh’s assassination almost two weeks earlier in Tehran, and avenging his killing by a punishing barrage of missiles against Israel.
Instead, the focus in Iran was on the fallout from former Foreign Minister Mohammad Javad Zarif’s resignation as "strategic deputy" to the newly elected President Masoud Pezeshkian. The political atmosphere in Tehran was tense, with a proposed cabinet dominated by long-time regime insiders and officials linked to intelligence and military sectors.
Meanwhile, the United States and Israel remained on high alert, wary of the potential for an Iranian attack coordinated with regional proxies like Hezbollah and the Houthis.
US Defense Secretary Lloyd Austin went as far as publicly ordering the deployment of a guided missile submarine to the Middle East, the Pentagon said on Sunday. The presence and movements of submarines are usually kept secret unless a country wants to use the news as a deterrent factor against an adversary.
While the USS Georgia, a nuclear-powered submarine, was already in the Mediterranean Sea in July, according to a US military post on social media, it was a rare move to publicly announce the deployment of a submarine.
Meanwhile, Iran's acting Foreign Minister Ali Bagheri-Kani told his Chinese counterpart on Monday that Tehran has the "right to an appropriate and deterrent response" against Israel to ensure regional stability, according to state media.
In a joint statement on Monday, France, Germany and the United Kingdom expressed deep concerns by the heightened tensions in the region, calling on Iran and its allies to refrain from attacks that would further escalate regional tensions. "They will bear responsibility for actions that jeopardise this opportunity for peace and stability."
Israel's updated intelligence assessment is that Iran has decided to avenge Haniyeh's killing by launching a direct attack on Israel, which could happen within days, a Sunday report by Axios said citing informed sources.
"This is a change from the assessment of the last few days, which suggested that international pressure on Iran was restraining it from carrying out a direct attack against Israel," the report said.
In a statement after Austin spoke with his Israeli counterpart, the Pentagon said Austin had ordered the Abraham Lincoln strike group to accelerate its deployment to the region.
"Secretary Austin reiterated the United States’ commitment to take every possible step to defend Israel and noted the strengthening of US military force posture and capabilities throughout the Middle East in light of escalating regional tensions," the statement added.
The US military had already said it will deploy additional fighter jets and Navy warships to the Middle East as Washington seeks to bolster Israeli defenses.
Ismail Haniyeh, the political leader of Iran-backed Hamas, was assassinated in the Iranian capital Tehran on July 31, an attack that drew threats of revenge by Iran against Israel, which is fighting the Palestinian Islamist group in Gaza. Iran blamed Israel for the killing. Israel has not claimed responsibility.
The assassination and the killing of the senior military commander of the Iran-backed Lebanese group Hezbollah, Fuad Shukr, by Israel in a strike on Beirut, have fueled concern the conflict in Gaza was turning into a wider Middle East war.
Iran has said the US bears responsibility in the assassination of Haniyeh because of its support for Israel.
Several US and coalition personnel were wounded in a drone attack on Friday in Syria, in the second major attack in recent days against US forces amid soaring tensions in the Middle East.
