Iran-backed Hezbollah has drawn on a greatly expanded arsenal during more than 10 months of cross-border hostilities with Israel. One of the world's most heavily armed non-state groups, it says it has used just a small part of its weaponry so far.
On this somber anniversary, Khavaran Cemetery—the infamous site where thousands of political prisoners were buried in unmarked mass graves—was once again sealed off by the authorities. The families, who for decades have gathered at this barren plot to mourn, remember, and demand justice, were denied entry. Their grief met with the cold indifference of the Islamic Republic of Iran.
This closure is not just an attempt to physically bar families from mourning; it is part of a broader, systematic effort to erase the memory of the 1988 massacre and stifle the pursuit of accountability. Yet, this act of repression only fuels the determination of the Mothers of Khavaran, who have dedicated their lives to keeping the memory of their loved ones alive and demanding justice.
Note: The author's brother was one of the political prisoners summarily executed in 1988.
In the summer of 1988, as the Iran-Iraq war came to a close, the Islamic Republic of Iran initiated one of the most heinous acts of political repression in its history. Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini, then-Supreme Leader, issued a fatwa that led to the formation of "Death Commissions" tasked with summarily trying political prisoners. Many of these prisoners had already served years of their sentences; they were brought before these commissions, where they were questioned about their religious and political beliefs. Those who refused to denounce their affiliations or faith were sentenced to death.
The executions were carried out with chilling efficiency, with prisoners hanged in groups and buried in mass graves. Khavaran Cemetery, a desolate stretch of land on the outskirts of Tehran, became one of the most infamous sites of these mass graves. The government not only executed these prisoners in secret but also worked tirelessly to cover up the crime. Families were denied the bodies of their loved ones, refused the right to hold funerals, and were kept in the dark about the location of their graves.
Yet, despite the regime's best efforts to erase the memory of those who were executed, the families refused to be silenced. The Mothers of Khavaran, along with other family members, have for decades braved the threats and intimidation to gather at Khavaran, laying flowers and placing photos on the unmarked graves. Their defiance has been met with brutal force—flowers trampled, photos destroyed, and mourners harassed and arrested. But these mothers persisted, turning their grief into a powerful symbol of resistance against a regime that sought to obliterate the memory of their children.
The Mothers of Plaza de Mayo: A Parallel Struggle
The story of the Mothers of Khavaran bears a striking resemblance to the struggle of the Mothers of Plaza de Mayo in Argentina. During Argentina's "Dirty War" (1976-1983), the military dictatorship kidnapped and "disappeared" thousands of people, most of whom were young political activists. The government denied any knowledge of their whereabouts, leaving families in a state of perpetual uncertainty and grief.
In response, the Mothers of Plaza de Mayo began gathering every Thursday in the Plaza de Mayo in Buenos Aires, demanding to know the fate of their disappeared children. Wearing white headscarves embroidered with the names of their children, these women became an iconic symbol of resistance against state terrorism. They, too, faced repression, threats, and violence, but they refused to be silenced. Their persistent efforts eventually brought international attention to the crimes of the dictatorship, leading to some degree of accountability and justice.
Both the Mothers of Khavaran and the Mothers of Plaza de Mayo have shown extraordinary courage and resilience in the face of overwhelming odds. Their struggles are not just about seeking justice for their loved ones; they are also about preserving the collective memory of their societies. By keeping the stories of their children alive, they have challenged the state's monopoly on history and truth.
Grief as a Catalyst for Political Activism
The grief of the Mothers of Khavaran and the Mothers of Plaza de Mayo transcends personal loss; it has become a powerful force for political and social change. Gail Holst-Warhaft, in her work on grief and its political uses, argues that the control of mourning and the dead is a potent tool for regimes seeking to suppress dissent. By denying families the right to mourn, regimes attempt to control the narrative and prevent the formation of a collective memory that could challenge their authority.
However, as seen in both Iran and Argentina, this strategy can backfire. The refusal to allow families to grieve publicly has often led to the politicization of grief, turning mourning into a form of resistance. The Mothers of Khavaran and the Mothers of Plaza de Mayo have transformed their sorrow into a relentless pursuit of justice, using their loss as a catalyst for broader social and political activism.
In both cases, the mothers' activism has forced the state to confront its past, even if it has not yet resulted in full accountability. The Mothers of Plaza de Mayo succeeded in bringing international attention to the atrocities committed by the Argentine dictatorship, leading to trials and convictions of some of those responsible. The Mothers of Khavaran, on the other hand, continue to fight against a regime that still distorts and hides the truth about the 1988 massacre. Their battle for justice is far from over, but their persistence ensures that the memory of the victims will not be erased.
Hezbollah’s decision to strike was in retaliation for the assassination of a senior commander in Beirut last month, the Iranian-backed group said, as Israel's cabinet met to prepare a response.
Since the killing of Hamas leader Ismail Haniyeh in Tehran on July 31, the world was expecting an Iranian retaliation, directly or through Hezbollah and Tehran’s other proxy forces in the region.
Israeli jets hit targets in Lebanon shortly before the strikes as the military assessed that Hezbollah was preparing to begin the barrage, the military said.
Hezbollah said it had launched more than 320 Katyusha rockets towards Israel and hit 11 military targets. It said the barrage had completed "the first phase" of its response to the assassination of Fuad Shukr, a senior commander, in Beirut but that the full response would take "some time".
There was no statement by Iranian officials at the time of this publication and government-controlled media only carried the Hezbollah statement.
Israel's cabinet was to meet at 7 a.m. (0400 GMT), Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu's office announced.
A few hours later, Israel's military said it carried out further attacks against Hezbollah rocket launchers in southern Lebanon. "In the last hour, the IDF struck Hezbollah launchers in several areas in southern Lebanon to remove threats," the military said in a statement.
Foreign Minister Israel Katz said Israel would respond to developments on the ground but did not seek a full-scale war. Defense Minister Yoav Gallant said Israel would do whatever necessary to defend itself.
"We have conducted precise strikes in Lebanon in order to thwart an imminent threat against the citizens of Israel. We are closely following developments in Beirut, and we are determined to use all the means at our disposal in order to defend our citizens," Gallant said in a statement.
Most of the Israeli strikes were hitting targets in southern Lebanon but the military was ready to strike anywhere there was a threat, an Israeli military spokesperson said.
Gallant declared a state of emergency, and flights to and from Ben Gurion airport in Tel Aviv were suspended for around 90 minutes, but the airports authority said normal operations were expected to resume soon.
In northern Israel, warning sirens sounded, and multiple explosions were heard around several areas as Israel's Iron Dome aerial defense system shot down rockets coming from southern Lebanon. Israel's Magen David Adom ambulance service said it was on high alert all over the country.
The Israeli military issued civil defense instructions from central Israel to the north, limiting gatherings but authorizing people to go to work as long as they were able to reach air raid shelters quickly. There were no casualties immediately reported in Israel, according to the ambulance service.
Fears of regional conflict
A security source in Lebanon said at least 40 Israeli strikes had hit various towns in the country's south in one of the densest bombardments since hostilities began in October.
A resident of the southern Lebanese town of Zibqeen, some 7 km (4 miles) from the border, told Reuters it was the first time he had awakened "to the sound of planes and the loud explosions of rockets - even before the dawn prayer. It felt like the apocalypse."
Israel's Army Radio, citing defense officials, said the military assessed that Hezbollah had been preparing to fire hundreds of missiles into central Israel in an attack planned for 5 a.m.
Around 100 Israeli jets foiled the Hezbollah missile strikes, beginning their attack half an hour beforehand, the report said, adding that the military assessed the subsequent Hezbollah barrage was "improvised".
"Dozens of (Israeli Air Force) jets are currently striking targets in various locations in southern Lebanon. We are continuing to remove threats, and to intensively strike against the Hezbollah terrorist organization," said a military spokesman, Rear Admiral Daniel Hagari.
The Israel-Hezbollah escalation has drawn fears of a wider regional conflict, potentially involving both the United States and Iran. President Joe Biden was following events closely, the White House said.
"At his direction, senior US officials have been communicating continuously with their Israeli counterparts. We will keep supporting Israel’s right to defend itself, and we will keep working for regional stability," said National Security Council spokesperson Sean Savett.
Iran has hinted that if there is ceasefire in Gaza it might reconsider retaliation for Haniyeh’s killing, or significantly limit its dimensions. It appears important for Tehran to save Hamas from a military defeat.
The strikes came as negotiators were meeting in Cairo in a last-ditch effort to conclude a halt to fighting in Gaza and a return of Israeli and foreign hostages in exchange for Palestinian prisoners.
Hezbollah fired missiles at Israel immediately after the Oct. 7 attacks by Hamas gunmen on Israel. Hezbollah and Israel have been exchanging fire constantly ever since, while avoiding a major escalation as war rages in Gaza to the south.
With Reporting by Reuters
The report indicates that 10.6% of all issued checks were returned in terms of volume, and 15.7% in terms of value during the past month.
Historical data from the Central Bank shows that the number of bounced checks in July reached its highest level since May 2020, when the country was grappling with the COVID-19 crisis. In total, nearly 912,000 checks worth approximately 1000 trillion rials were returned during the fourth month of Iran’s fiscal year (June 21-July 21).
The report does not detail the distribution of bounced checks between companies and individuals but highlights that over 30% of the returned checks (by volume) were recorded in the capital, Tehran. More than 11% were in Isfahan, 7.4% in Razavi Khorasan, 7.4% in East Azerbaijan, and 5.6% in Yazd. These provinces are key industrial hubs and contribute significantly to the country's GDP.
The Central Bank has also not provided an explanation for the continued surge in the number and value of bounced checks since the beginning of this year.
An increase in bounced checks, whether in the individual or corporate sectors, indicates a worsening economic situation in the country.
Iranian officials have pointed to a 4.5% economic growth in the past year and have repeatedly claimed that the country’s economic situation is improving. However, details of last year’s economic growth reveal that two main factors driving the economy were increased government expenditures and oil revenues. The oil and gas sector saw a growth of around 14.7% based on 2011 constant prices, while government spending grew by 17%. Without these two elements, Iran’s economic growth would be flat or negative.
OPEC and international agency data show that Iran’s oil production growth has nearly stalled in recent months, making it unlikely for the country’s GDP to rise again through increased oil exports.
The International Monetary Fund (IMF) has also forecasted that Iran’s GDP growth at 3.3% in 2024 and 3.1% for 2025, far below the 2023 level.
It launched hundreds of rockets and drones against Israel on Sunday in retaliation for the assassination of a senior commander in Beirut last month, the Iranian-backed movement said. The Israeli military said it had thwarted a much larger attack with pre-emptive strikes.
Here are some facts about Hezbollah's weapons:
Arsenal overview
The Iran-backed group possesses upwards of 150,000 missiles and rockets, according to the World Factbook of the US Central Intelligence Agency.
Hezbollah says it has rockets that can hit all areas of Israel. Many are unguided, but it also has precision missiles, drones and anti-tank, anti-aircraft and anti-ship missiles.
Hezbollah's main supporter and weapons supplier is Iran. Many of its weapons are Iranian, Russian or Chinese models.
Hezbollah leader Sayyed Hassan Nasrallah said in 2021 the group had 100,000 fighters. The CIA World Factbook says it was estimated in 2022 to have up to 45,000 fighters, roughly 20,000 of them full-time.
Land-attack rockets and missiles
Unguided rockets comprised the bulk of Hezbollah's missile arsenal in the last war with Israel in 2006, when the group fired about 4,000 into Israel - mostly Katyusha-style missiles with a range of 30 km (19 miles).
Nasrallah has said the biggest change in Hezbollah's arsenal since 2006 has been the expansion of its precision guidance systems and that the group has the ability to retrofit rockets with guidance systems within Lebanon.
Hezbollah has Iranian models, such as Raad (Arabic for Thunder), Fajr (Dawn) and Zilzal (Earthquake) rockets, which have a more powerful payload and longer range than Katyushas.
Rockets fired by Hezbollah at Israel during the Gaza conflict since October have included Katyushas and (Volcano) missiles with an explosive payload of 300-500 kg.
Iranian-made Falaq 2 rockets, used for the first time in June, can carry a bigger warhead than the previously used Falaq 1.
Anti-tank missiles
Hezbollah used guided anti-tank missiles extensively in the 2006 war and has deployed them again, including the Russian-made Kornet.
It has also used an Iranian-made guided missile known as "al-Mas", according to a report by the pro-Iran Arabic broadcaster al-Mayadeen. The al-Mas can hit targets beyond the line of sight following an arched trajectory, enabling it to strike from above, a report by Israel's Alma Research and Education Center said.
The missile is part of a family of weapons made by Iran through reverse engineering based on the Israeli Spike missile family, the report said.
Anti-aircraft missiles
Hezbollah has downed Israeli drones several times during this conflict using surface-to-air missiles, hitting Israeli Hermes 450 and Hermes 900 drones. Though Hezbollah was long believed to possess anti-aircraft missiles, these attacks have marked the first time the group had used this capability.
In another first, Hezbollah has said it fired at Israeli warplanes, forcing them to leave Lebanese airspace, without saying what type of weapon it used. It has not hit any.
Drones
Hezbollah has mounted numerous attacks with one-way explosive drones and has said it is using drones that drop bombs and return to Lebanon.
In some attacks, drones have been sent to distract Israeli air defences while others were flown at targets.
Hezbollah's arsenal includes the locally assembled Ayoub and Mersad models, which analysts say are cheap and relatively easy to produce.
Anti-ship missiles
Hezbollah first proved it had anti-ship missiles in 2006, when it hit an Israeli warship 16 km (10 miles) off the coast, killing four Israeli personnel and damaging the vessel.
Since the 2006 war, Hezbollah has acquired the Russian-made Yakhont anti-ship missile with a range of 300 km (186 miles), sources familiar with its arsenal say. Hezbollah has not confirmed it has the weapon.
(Factbox by Reuters)
