Research associate at UANI
A little-known but influential body handpicked by Iran's Supreme Leader may provide the spur Ali Khamenei needs to ditch his avowed refusal of nuclear weapons and reach for the ultimate deterrent in the wake of punishing Israeli attacks.
Speaking to Tasnim News Agency, Amir Aziz Nasirzadeh said: "The enemy attempted to damage both our defensive and offensive systems. However, due to precautions, there was minimal impact, and as you saw, there were no casualties or injuries in our defense industries.”
His comments come after the hours-long assault spread over three waves which targeted air defense systems, key Iranian industrial production facilities of missiles and drones, and missile launch bases.
Spread across Tehran, Kermanshah, Qom, Ahvaz, Shiraz, and the farther Semnan province, the operation involved around 100 aircraft.
However, playing down the impact, Nasirzadeh said: “Furthermore, since this technology is domestically produced, we were able to replace one of the air defense systems the very next day, so there has been no disruption in our offensive production capabilities, such as missiles." However, Israeli and other reports say Iran's Russian-made S-300 system was targeted, which is the main long-range interceptor missiles defending the country.
The Defense Minister also went on to dismiss claims that Israeli fighter jets had entered Iranian airspace. "According to the United Nations Charter, any country has the right to respond if its airspace is violated,” he said, suggesting that denials may avoid a necessary deepening of the conflict between the decades-long enemies.
He also denied damage to an IRGC missile facility in Shahroud while satellite imagery from Planet Labs showing a significant impact at the site that builds ballistic missiles and launches rockets as part of its own space program.
So far, Iran only has identified Israeli attacks as taking place in Ilam, Khuzestan and Tehran provinces — not in rural Semnan province where the base is located.
A strike on Shahroud potentially further restrains the IRGC’s ability to manufacture the solid-fuel ballistic missiles it needs to stockpile as a deterrent against Israel. Tehran long has relied on that arsenal as it cannot purchase the advanced Western weapons that Israel and Iran's Persian Gulf Arab neighbors have armed themselves with over the years, particularly from the United States.
The site also hosts the Imam Khomeini Space Center, which is used by Iran’s space program. The images show a central, major building at the Shahroud Space Center have been destroyed, the shadow of its still-standing frame seen in the image taken Tuesday morning.
The imagery, seen by the Associated Press, showed vehicles gathered around the site, believed to be officials inspecting the damage, with more cars than normal parked at the site’s main gate nearby.
Three small buildings just to the south of the main structure also appeared to be damage, AP said. Iran has been constructing new buildings at the base in recent months. Another hangar to the northeast of the main building also appeared to have been damaged.
On Wednesday, Foreign Minister Abbas Araghchi, speaking to reporters on the sidelines of a cabinet meeting, blamed the US for helping facilitate the logistics of the attack.
”Our intelligence indicates that Israeli fighter jets carried out this attack through a corridor facilitated by US forces," he said. "We have lodged our complaint with the United Nations and other international bodies and will continue to pursue this matter.”
Coordinating Deputy of Iran's Army Admiral Habibollah Sayyari also denied the penetration of Iran’s air space, reported first by Iran International.
“Thanks to the readiness and alertness of our air defenses and Air Force in a coordinated operation, the enemy was prevented from breaching our borders,” he said.
“They were forced to launch ballistic missiles from 100 kilometers outside our borders, many of which were intercepted by our defenses, though some did strike certain areas.”
One day after Iran International reported Israeli F-35s had entered Iran's airspace for the first time and bombed targets near Tehran, CNN reported that Israeli fighter jets entered Iranian airspace during the Saturday attack.
Iran’s ongoing conflict with Israel has led to calls for weaponization of the country’s nuclear program, first from hardline commentators, then MPs, then top advisors.
Khamenei has so far resisted all such calls publicly. His rejection of weapons of mass killing on religious grounds is regularly cited by Iranian officials as proof that Iran’s nuclear activities are peaceful and cannot be otherwise.
Given Khamenei’s official stance, most comments by Iranian officials to date have been read as posturing. However, some recent publications by the group, the Strategic Council on Foreign Relations (SCFR), may suggest a meaningful shift in Iran’s defense doctrine.
Khamenei established the SCFR in 2006 as an advisory body to assist his office in the development of foreign policy and strategic planning. Due to the Islamic Republic’s opaque workings Khamenei’s decision-making is difficult to parse, but it is clear that informal bodies like the SCFR have become increasingly significant in this process.
Since Iran’s missile attack against Israel on October 1, the SCFR has released multiple publications regarding the nuclear issue. This includes two interviews discussing how Russia and China’s nuclear doctrines have become more aggressive in response to recent actions by the United States and its allies. Both highlight the importance of nuclear weapons in enhancing deterrence capability, drawing evident parallels with Iran’s position vis-à-vis Israel.
Another paper outlines the strategic rationale behind Iran’s missile attack against Israel. It highlights Iran’s willingness to do more to deter Israel, warning that future responses would be harsher. These publications follow more explicit calls by the SCFR for Iran to reconsider its nuclear doctrine in recent months.
"It is only natural for Iran---as a nation facing threats and unilaterally bearing all the costs of alleviating Western countries’ “nuclear concerns” without reaping any economic or security benefit---to pose fundamental questions about the pertinence and sagacity of its current nuclear and defense doctrine," an article on the SCFR website reads.
Groundwork for a shift
Such statements may not bear the supreme leader’s seal, but precedent suggests that they can be the groundwork for an eventual shift in Khamenei’s position, indicating that his advisors’ recent comments may be more than mere posturing.
Over the past several years, the advisory body has established itself as a sounding board for changes in the foreign policy of the Islamic Republic.
SCFR publications frequently anticipate public decisions by the supreme leader and other state officials – indicating that Khamenei may first convey his intentions to the SCFR for deliberation.
One example of this is a 2020 publication signaling support for closer strategic cooperation with Russia, prior to Iran’s accession into the Shanghai Cooperative Organization, support for the invasion of Ukraine, and the recently completed bilateral security agreement.
Another example is Iran’s adoption of sanctions relief and resumed negotiations with Western states as key foreign policy objectives under the presidency of Masoud Pezeshkian.
Before his term, the Islamic Republic appeared less interested in these efforts, as Khamenei prioritized the development of a “resistance economy” to counter the pressure of international sanctions.
As early as 2023, the SCFR promoted pursuit of sanctions relief as part of the agenda for Iran’s foreign policy in 2024, moving away from the “resistance economy” approach. In the lead up to Iran’s 2024 election, the SCFR released additional statements engaging with the subject. Since taking office, Pezeshkian has pursued these objectives with Khamenei’s tacit support.
Altogether, recent SCFR publications mark a change in tone from the advisory body’s earlier insistence that Iran is a responsible actor on the issue of nuclear proliferation, in line with Khamenei’s rhetoric, to one of more nuclear risk-readiness.
This brings concerning implications, especially in the context of Iran’s efforts to increase its stockpile of enriched uranium earlier this year.
In recent years, Khamenei has used the SCFR to extend a lifeline to politically isolated figures, deepen ties with ascendent officials, and keep policymakers under his personal influence.
This is demonstrated by the recent appointment of former SCFR secretary Abbas Araghchi as Foreign Minister, and his replacement by Ali Baqeri Kani, a prominent member of Ebrahim Raisi’s presidential administration. Khamenei has also increasingly relied upon the SCFR as an instrument for personal diplomacy—particularly in maintaining ties with the leaders of Iran’s armed allies in the region.
As Iran and Israel draw ever closer to a full-scale war, the SCFR’s recent publications may suggest that the Islamic Republic will continue to weigh the option of amending its nuclear doctrine.
This course will also be influenced by the expected implementation of a security agreement with Russia, which may enhance Tehran’s confidence.
Should the Iranian nuclear program be openly weaponized, the Islamic Republic will be further emboldened in its efforts to destabilize the region, support Russia’s war in Ukraine, and challenge U.S. interests.
It would also bring a significant risk of further proliferation, particularly as the regime formalizes the Axis of Resistance through a codified alliance structure.
