At least 31 women were executed in Iran in 2024, according to the Oslo-based rights group Iran Human Rights (IHR), marking the highest annual figure in 17 years since the organization began documenting executions.
The report, titled “Women and the Death Penalty in Iran: A Gendered Perspective,” sheds light on systemic gender disparities and judicial bias affecting women on death row.
It highlights that many women executed for murder acted out of desperation in response to violence, rape, or coercive control, with about 70% of cases involving male partners.
The report noted that Islamic Republic's legal system rarely considers mitigating circumstances, as women’s testimonies are worth half of men’s, and laws fail to address domestic violence or marital rape.
“The execution of women in Iran reveals not just the brutality of the death penalty, but the depth of systemic gender inequality in the judicial system,” said Mahmood Amiry-Moghaddam, director of IHR. He called on the international community to act urgently to address “systemic injustices and gender apartheid” in Iran.
The report also revealed that transparency around executions has worsened, with only 26% of women’s executions officially announced, a figure dropping to 12% in recent years.
Marginalized ethnic minorities, including women from Sistan and Baluchistan, are disproportionately represented among those executed, reflecting the intersection of poverty, discrimination, and judicial bias.
Since 1979, the Islamic Republic has used executions to maintain power and instill fear, IHR said, underscoring the need for international attention to systemic injustices and the plight of women on death row.
IHR emphasized that the report does not account for the significant number of female political prisoners executed during the 1980s, nor does it include women subjected to stoning or hanging for adultery during the first three decades of the Islamic Republic.
Iran witnessed a stark rise in executions in 2024, with at least 930 death sentences carried out, according to the Washington-based Abdorrahman Boroumand Center for Human Rights in Iran.
The figure for years 2023 and 2022 were 811 and 579 respectively, which shows a consistent upward trend.
Last week Baku summoned Tehran's interim chargé d'affaires to demand an end to what it called "provocative actions" by Tehran. It followed a fervent anti-Baku speech by a lay Shia eulogist or religious singer, Gholamreza Gholizadeh, at an event in Ardabil, the capital of the northwestern province of the same name.
Tehran-Baku relations are very complex due to religious, ethnic, economic, and political factors including Tehran’s good relations with Armenia, its other northwestern neighbor, and Baku's strong ties with Iran's archenemy, Israel.
The maddah and his controversial speech
Gholizadeh, who leads a Shia mourning society in Ardabil that organizes ceremonies to honor Shia saints—delivered most of his speech in Turki, a language spoken in Iran's northwestern provinces that Azerbaijanis in the Republic of Azerbaijan easily understand.
During his speech, he referred to Azerbaijani President Ilham Aliyev and Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan as “bastards” and “consumers of illegitimately acquired food.”
The event, broadcast live by Iran’s state-run News Network, was attended by Seyyed Hassan Ameli, Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei’s representative in the province.
Gholizadeh also declared that Iran would reclaim its former territories in the Caucasus—lost during the Russo-Persian Wars (1651-1828)—and raise the Shia flag there. He further insulted early Islamic figures revered by Sunnis.
Over half the population of the Republic of Azerbaijan follows Shia Islam, but political power largely rests with Sunnis. Baku media often allege that radical Shia groups, such as Hüseynçilər (The Islamic Resistance Movement of Azerbaijan), receive backing from Iran.
The Ardabil event—the first of its kind in the Islamic Republic’s history—commemorated the “martyrs of the Battle of Chaldiran” in 1514. The battle between Iran’s Safavid Shia Empire and the Sunni Ottoman Empire ended in an Ottoman victory.
Criticism of authorities for giving free reign to maddahs
In an editorial on Monday titled “Are Maddahs Free to Say Whatever They Want and Insult Whoever They Wish?” the conservative newspaper Jomhouri Eslami criticized the insults directed at Azerbaijan’s president as both politically and religiously inappropriate.
According to Shia law, calling a person "a bastard" is an offense punishable by eighty lashes.
The newspaper also questioned the relevance of holding an event to commemorate the victims of the Battle of Chaldiran and criticized the failure of provincial authorities, including Ameli, to oversee and regulate such events. All government-approved gatherings in Iran are strictly monitored to ensure compliance with existing policies, though occasional lapses may occur during religious ceremonies.
Ameli who is also a member of the Assembly of Experts and the Friday prayer leader of Ardabil, appointed by Khamenei, took to X on Friday, two days after Baku’s strong reaction to the incident, to argue that the “inappropriate language” used by the maddah should not be construed as representing the Islamic Republic’s official stance.
Ameli’s post received nearly 350 comments, with opinions divided. While some supported the maddah’s highly controversial remarks, others criticized Ameli for failing to intervene during the speech, which he had praised as “epic.”
Critics alleged close ties between Ameli and the maddah’s religious group, with one commenter among the hundreds asking, “Were you not there? Why did you let him swear and insult? Stop this bragging and focus on the country’s progress. We will get nowhere with war and enmity.”
Another user, Gholamreza Tabrizi, claimed to have heard the full audio recording of the speech and warned that, if published, it could spark a diplomatic crisis with Sunni Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates, because of its anti-Sunni content.
Under Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei’s three-decade leadership, eulogists have gained prominence in both religious and political spheres. Many “celebrity eulogists” are closely affiliated with ultra-hardline political factions and use state-sponsored events, including Friday prayers, to promote their views.
“The most inappropriate language, the most irrelevant stances, and the most unconventional topics are often raised during Friday sermons,” wrote Hossein Selahvarzi, a former head of Iran’s Chamber of Commerce, in an X post addressing the Ardabil incident. “These actions frequently have repercussions for the country’s diplomatic apparatus and economy.”
Also criticizing the authorities for the recent incident in Ardabil, Mohsen Gharavian, a conservative politician and cleric, warned the authorities about the political and religious implications of maddahs’ increasing involvement in politics.
“The country’s key political authorities, such as the Supreme National Security Council … should warn these maddahs and thwart such divisiveness to prevent damages and political and social problems in the current sensitive situation in the region,” he said in an interview with the Iranian Labour News Agency (ILNA) published Sunday.
Addressing the country’s persistent power and fuel shortages, Mohammad Bagher Ghalibaf said, “The real problem lies in management. One person blames another, and the cycle continues. Until we solve the management imbalance, we cannot resolve the energy imbalance.”
The rare remarks which contradict the official government line blaming the crisis on resource shortages, came as Energy Minister Abbas Aliabadi warned of a looming electricity deficit and unprecedented challenges in the coming summer, following a season of widespread blackouts and gas shortages.
With a projected shortfall of 25,000 megawatts of electricity next year, Aliabadi admitted that immediate solutions look bleak.
Ghalibaf spoke about institutional flaws in Iran’s energy sector, attributing inefficiencies to outdated governance structures. “There is an institutional flaw in the energy sector, both in production and consumption, leading to policy mistakes. Our energy governance is flawed,” he said.
Energy Minister Aliabadi acknowledged the gravity of the situation, apologizing for gas shortages and outlining the government’s inability to resolve them in the short term. He cited last summer’s 20,000-megawatt electricity shortfall and warned of worsening conditions.
“Winter’s cold can be endured with warm clothing, but navigating the challenges of summer is not as simple,” he said.
However, Ghalibaf proposed the establishment of an operational center to coordinate between the Oil Ministry, the Ministry of Energy, and Parliament. “To address the energy imbalance, supply and demand must align. While production must be a focus, consumption must also be controlled,” he said.
Gas shortages have also reached critical levels, with domestic consumption exceeding production capacity, resulting in rationing and significant strain on households and industries. Efforts to curb usage, such as a 2-degree reduction in heating temperatures, have saved 45 million cubic meters of gas daily, but structural issues persist, in spite of Iran owning one of the world's largest gas fields.
Widespread impact on citizens and economy
Massoud Pezeshkian, Iran’s President, has also raised concerns over systemic failures in energy management, saying “Iran is experiencing shortages in electricity, water, gas, the environment, and finances, with some of these shortages bringing the country to the brink of a precipice.”
Power cuts in the summer of 2024 caused significant losses for industries, estimated at $11 billion, according to Ali Mahmoudian, head of the National Union of Alternative Fuels.
The closures of schools, universities, and government offices due to energy management have further strained Iran’s economy, costing an estimated $62.5 million per day.
As the country braces for a potentially devastating summer, officials are divided on how best to navigate the crisis. Ghalibaf’s comments that management reforms are key contrasts with the Ministry of Energy’s focus on immediate consumption reduction measures.
Iran now faces the dual challenge of overcoming internal inefficiencies and adapting to the growing energy demands of a population grappling with economic uncertainty and environmental degradation.
