People walk at Tehran Bazaar in Tehran, Iran, April 14, 2025.
Iran’s currency fell sharply on Saturday after a planned fourth round of indirect talks with the United States was postponed, as sharp disagreements over uranium enrichment and inspections cast doubt on prospects for a breakthrough.
The rial dropped past 870,000 to the US dollar in Tehran’s open market, reversing gains made earlier last month during previous rounds of diplomacy in Oman. The currency had recovered to around 795,000 following the third round but slid again amid rising uncertainty.
US Secretary of State Marco Rubio said Thursday that Iran must end all uranium enrichment and open all nuclear facilities, including military sites, to American inspectors if it wants to avoid “serious consequences, including potential military action.”
“There’s no reason for enrichment unless you want a weapon,” Rubio told Fox News, adding that Iran must also abandon support for proxy groups and halt long-range missile development.
Iranian Foreign Minister Abbas Araghchi on Friday dismissed Rubio’s demands, warning that such “maximalist positioning and incendiary rhetoric achieve nothing except eroding the chances of success.” He said Iran has “every right to possess the full nuclear fuel cycle as a founding signatory to the NPT.”
“A credible and durable agreement is within reach,” Araghchi said. “All it takes is firm political will and a fair attitude.”
The International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) has confirmed Iran is the only non-nuclear-armed country enriching uranium to 60%.
No official reason has been given for the postponement of this weekend’s round. Iranian officials have acknowledged lingering disagreements over both general principles and technical details.
The rial had plunged to a record low of around 1,058,000 per dollar in early April before stabilizing during earlier rounds of talks.
Over 300 global figures—including UN experts, Nobel laureates, former ambassadors, judges, and human rights leaders—have issued an urgent appeal for United Nations intervention to stop what they call a “campaign of politically motivated executions” in Iran.
The joint statement, signed by a wide range of international voices, condemned Tehran’s judicial handling of political prisoners and called on democratic governments and UN bodies to act swiftly.
The appeal centers on the cases of Behrouz Ehsani, 69, and Mehdi Hassani, 48, whose death sentences were recently upheld by Iran’s Supreme Court.
The statement described their prosecution as a sham: “Their kangaroo trial on 10 August 2024, lasting just five minutes, was a travesty of justice: they were denied legal counsel for nearly two years, tortured, and silenced during proceedings.”
The charges include “membership in the exiled opposition group Mujahedin-e Khalq Organization” and “propaganda,” framed as “enmity against God” and “corruption on earth” under Iran’s legal code.
“We demand an immediate halt to their execution,” the signatories wrote. “The international community must not remain silent.”
The group also warned of a broader execution drive under President Masoud Pezeshkian, who took office in August 2024. Since then, more than 1,000 executions have been carried out, disproportionately targeting women, juveniles, ethnic and religious minorities, and political dissenters. Several prisoners, including Abolhassan Montazer and Sharifeh Mohammadi, have already been moved to Ghezel Hesar Prison—described in the statement as “a notorious execution site.”
The appeal highlights findings by former UN Special Rapporteur Javaid Rehman, whose July 2024 report concluded that mass killings in Iran in 1981–82 and 1988 amounted to crimes against humanity and genocide. “The Iranian authorities’ systematic targeting of political prisoners is rooted in a culture of impunity,” the joint statement said.
They called on the UN and democratic governments to “identify and sanction Iranian officials responsible for human rights violations” and to tie future relations with Iran to the release of political prisoners and abolition of the death penalty.
Iran accounted for 64% of all known global executions in 2024, with at least 972 people executed, according to Amnesty International.
President Masoud Pezeshkian’s campaigned on transparency, but his administration is presenting inflated and misleading data about Iran’s energy sector in an apparent bid to soothe public dissatisfaction with deepening blackouts.
In recent months, authorities have repeatedly cited sizeable increases in gasoline and natural gas production and some officials have even assured the public that this summer’s looming electricity shortfall will be resolved.
But a confidential document from the Oil Ministry obtained by Iran International shows these claims are not only inaccurate, but the country's energy shortages are in fact accelerating.
Iran currently suffers from year-round energy deficits. During peak demand season, electricity and natural gas shortages climb as high as 25%, while the gasoline shortfall reaches 30%.
With energy development projects stagnating, officials have turned to optimistic public messaging, using spurious statistics to suggest improvement that their own confidential data shows does not exist.
In late 2024, Mohammad-Sadegh Azimifar, CEO of the National Iranian Oil Products Distribution Company, said the country’s daily gasoline output had increased by 10 million liters, and diesel by 13 million liters over the past year.
However, a confidential internal report from the same company shows base gasoline production at Iranian refineries increased by only 1.5 million liters in late 2024 compared to the same period in 2023. Even for the entire year, the growth was just 3.5% or just 3.76 million liters per day.
Diesel output showed similarly modest growth—just 3% or 3.38 million liters per day for the year. Meanwhile, consumption of both fuels jumped by 7.5% in 2024, or 7 million liters per day, further deepening Iran’s fuel deficit.
Despite the absence of any new refineries in recent years, the government has continued to push over 1.5 million low-efficiency domestically manufactured vehicles into the market annually—adding more strain on fuel demand.
In 2024, Iran’s daily base gasoline production was around 101 million liters, while consumption topped 123 million liters.
Gasoline output lags consumption as additive use in fuels rises
Boosting additives
The government’s main strategy for managing this growing gap, according to the Oil Ministry report, has been to dilute refinery-grade gasoline with large volumes of substandard additives.
These additives include various chemical compounds, fuels from petrochemical plants, and the controversial chemical MTBE—a compound banned in many Western countries due to its environmental and health hazards—as well as industrial octane boosters.
While additive use stood at just 5 million liters per day or 6% of total gasoline in 2018, it now exceeds 20 million liters or over 20% of the fuel supply, raising serious concerns about air quality and public health.
The same confidential report also revealed that only one-quarter of gasoline produced in Iranian refineries meets European standards and even within that limited share it is not fully clear whether the fuels truly adhere to required specifications.
Gas production: claims versus reality
The head of South Pars Gas Complex recently announced a 6 billion cubic meter increase in gas fed into the national grid in the last fiscal year, ending on March 20. The South Pars field alone accounts for 73% of Iran’s natural gas supply.
Simultaneously, the CEO of the Iranian Central Oil Fields Company—which provides around 25% of the nation’s gas—said the company boosted production by 10 million cubic meters per day during the autumn and winter, equating to at least 2 billion cubic meters of annual growth.
Based on these statements, Iran should have increased its gas production by at least 8 billion cubic meters last year.
However, international institutions such as the International Energy Agency (IEA) and the Gas Exporting Countries Forum (GECF)—of which Iran is a member—have both estimated Iran's gas output growth at only around half that amount.
From 2010 to 2020, Iran enjoyed annual gas production growth rates above 5%. But from 2021 to 2024 the rate has fallen to around 2% on average. The IEA forecasts that in 2025, gas production will rise by just over 1%.
Iran must agree to end all uranium enrichment in a nuclear deal or be prepared to face attack, Republican Congressman Mike Lawler told Eye for Iran.
“Iran is not going to win this,” said Lawler during the podcast. “The sooner they come to that realization and acceptance, the better the outcome will be for everybody.”
“If Iran doesn’t comply, then action will have to be taken,” he added.
Despite his hardline stance, Lawler supports diplomacy before war.
“It would be foolish not to try diplomacy first.” Invoking Reagan’s "trust but verify" adage, Lawler said diplomatic engagement was a tool to avoid war and not a sign of weakness.
Oil sanctions
The New York representative is one of the Congress's most vocal advocates of stepping up pressure on Tehran. He recently co-sponsored bipartisan legislation targeting China’s purchase of Iranian crude oil—part of a legislative package responding to Iran’s direct military attacks on Israel last year.
Lawler sees Iran’s oil trade—particularly with China—as the Islamic Republic's financial lifeline.
The Enhanced Iran Sanctions Act of 2025 targets Chinese purchases of Iranian crude oil and cracks down on facilitators like banks and insurers.
“They (Iran) have been the greatest sponsor of terrorism around the globe,” Lawler said. “Their funding stream comes in large measure from the petroleum industry and the illicit oil trade with China. China purchases the vast majority of Iranian petroleum—amounting to a $200 billion revenue increase under Joe Biden’s watch.”
Lawler praised Trump's current strategy, calling it "night and day" compared to that of his predecessor.
Separately on Thursday, President Donald Trump declared that all purchases of Iranian oil or petrochemical products must cease, warning that any buyers would be subject to secondary sanctions. “They will not be allowed to do business with the United States of America in any way, shape, or form,” Trump posted on Truth Social.
Timing of talks is justified
Lawler also rejected criticism from some Iran hawks that the Trump administration is negotiating too early and giving away leverage.
With Iran’s nuclear capabilities more advanced than in years past, he said the urgency is warranted.
“We’re in a different world. Iran is further along today than they were four years ago or eight years ago,” he told Eye for Iran. “So I don’t know how much longer people want to wait.”
That urgency, however, now faces a new obstacle. The fourth round of US-Iran nuclear talks, initially scheduled for May 3 in Rome, has been postponed for reasons still unknown.
Lawler, who represents a district with a significant Persian community, said many of his Iranian-American constituents support a tougher US stance.
Proposals for a renewed nuclear agreement between the United States and Iran would cap uranium enrichment and expand international oversight, but stop short of dismantling Iran’s nuclear infrastructure, eight sources familiar with the talks told Reuters.
The framework under discussion largely mirrors the 2015 Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA), which was abandoned by President Donald Trump in 2018, but includes stricter inspections, extended timelines, and expanded sunset clauses.
“Essentially, the negotiations are shaping into a ‘JCPOA 2’ with some additions that would allow Trump to present it as a victory, while Iran could still keep its right to enrichment,” said a senior Iranian official.
Under proposals discussed in April, Iran would cap enrichment at 3.67%, in line with JCPOA limits, and allow expanded access to its facilities for the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA), three Iranian officials said.
Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei has set a key red line: Iran’s enriched uranium stockpile must not be reduced below levels agreed in 2015. Iran has recently enriched uranium to 60% using advanced centrifuges, far beyond what the JCPOA allowed.
Iran open to uranium exports — even to the US
As part of compromise proposals, Iran could retain a minimal enrichment capacity using 5,000 centrifuges and import additional uranium — possibly from Russia — according to a senior Iranian security official.
Iran now operates around 15,000 centrifuges, compared to the 6,000 permitted under the 2015 deal.
A regional source close to Tehran added that Iran "will keep a portion of it — diluted — inside the country while sending another portion abroad, possibly to Russia.”
According to the same source, Iran has “even floated the idea of selling enriched uranium to the United States.”
Tehran demands guarantees Trump won’t exit deal again
In exchange for limiting enrichment and accepting enhanced inspections, Tehran is seeking firm guarantees that President Trump would not again withdraw from the deal.
“We need watertight guarantees this time,” one Iranian official said. Another noted that deep mistrust remains due to the abrupt US exit in 2018.
Ballistic missile issue remains unresolved
The talks face a major sticking point over Iran’s missile program. Washington wants it addressed in the new agreement, but Iranian officials say their missile development is not up for negotiation.
“Tehran continues to reject any discussion,” said a regional security official. “The problem is that without addressing the missile issue, Trump cannot claim that the new deal goes beyond the JCPOA.”
An Iranian official previously told Reuters that Tehran may offer to refrain from building nuclear-capable missiles as a “gesture of goodwill,” but would not commit to terms exceeding the original 2015 deal.
Israel caught off guard, urges tougher terms
Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu was blindsided by Trump’s decision to resume talks with Iran, learning of the move less than 24 hours before a joint appearance in Washington, four sources familiar with the matter said.
Netanyahu had come to the White House in April seeking support for potential military action and was shocked to discover the US had already scheduled nuclear talks with Iran.
Israel is demanding “zero enrichment” and a Libya-style deal that would dismantle Iran’s entire nuclear infrastructure. The current proposals fall short of those expectations.
A new marketing display by Iranian brand My Lady featuring transparent packaging for sanitary pads has ignited online debate, revealing the deep cultural discomfort still surrounding menstruation in Iran.
The display, first posted by a user on the social media platform X last week, showed a row of pads visible in see-through folders—an abrupt break from the longstanding norm of black plastic bags and whispered requests at the counter.
The post quickly surpassed one million views and gathered thousands of likes and shares. “From black plastic to product albums to help us choose better. What a path we’ve come, woman!” wrote one user, who reposted the image with commentary that resonated widely.
Others joined the conversation with similar stories of resisting the imposed shame around buying menstrual products in public.
The marketing choice—practical on its face—has gained symbolic weight in a country where women’s bodies are policed not just through law but through entrenched taboos.
“Seven years ago, when My Lady launched its maxi pads, we had to secretly open samples for customers,” wrote a user identifying as a company marketer. “The store manager scolded us, said it was shameless. So we made a discreet booklet with three samples stuck inside—like contraband.”
The move to make pads visibly accessible in stores echoes moments from the 2022 protests, when women were photographed covering surveillance cameras in Tehran’s subway with sanitary pads—turning a product once treated as unmentionable into a symbol of defiance.
That imagery reinforced a broader shift: menstruation was no longer something to be hidden, but something women could use—literally and figuratively—to resist.
In a post viewed more than 800 times, another X user described how, in smaller towns, buying pads still carries a strong social stigma. “I’d say put it in a regular bag, and I’d relish the look on the seller’s face,” she wrote. “You could see them thinking, ‘How shameless the new generation has become.’ It was deeply satisfying.”
That stigma, rooted in religious and patriarchal frameworks, frames menstruation as impure. Across various cultures with strong religious influences, menstruating women are often deemed unclean and barred from certain spaces. The expectation is silence—both about the blood and the discomfort.
In Iran, where the Islamic Republic’s laws tightly govern gender expression and public morality, that silence is rigorously enforced.
Still, the shift is underway. A handful of men have joined the conversation online, recalling how they were dispatched to buy pads to shield female relatives from embarrassment.
“I’d run home with the black bag, praying no one saw me,” one wrote. But others mocked the change, reflecting a lingering cultural divide. Of 84 replies under one widely shared post, 11 came from male accounts opposing the visibility initiative.
The company behind the display, My Lady, has previously drawn official backlash. In March, following the release of a video marking International Women’s Day—one that referenced women’s exclusion from stadiums and legal rights—their Instagram page was taken down. Still, the public rallied, citing the brand’s decade-long focus on education and taboo-breaking.
The rise of transparent packaging may not end the stigma, but its presence in plain sight signals a societal reckoning.
The journey from hushed exchanges to open acknowledgment continues, carried forward by a generation of women unwilling to be hidden.