Iran closes beauty brand’s Instagram account over female rappers promo
A screengrab of Khanoumi's promotional video
Iranian authorities have shut down the Instagram page of a popular beauty brand after it released a promotional rap music video featuring young female hip hop artists, in the latest official move against the creative advertising industry.
Khanoumi Shop, an online cosmetics and personal care retailer, had posted the promotional video as part of a new campaign to market its brand.
The video showcased young women performing a rap song — a move that violated the Islamic Republic’s ban on female public singing.
Following the video’s release, Khanoumi’s Instagram page — which had 1.5 million followers — was taken offline by judicial order.
This is not the first time the brand has used methods frowned upon by the clerical establishment to promote its products. Two years ago, it released another rap video featuring female animated puppets to advertise its wares.
The company has also engaged in sharp messaging which could be construed as an oblique critique of officialdom. It promoted a moisturizing cream by referencing the dryness of Isfahan's Zayandeh Rood river, which has suffered from mismanagement and water shortages.
Khanoumi is among a handful of Iranian brands that have tried to distinguish themselves through bold advertising, but such efforts have increasingly drawn the ire of the country's theocratic authorities.
In recent years, several similar campaigns have faced backlash from the judiciary. The feminine hygiene brand MyLady, whose Instagram page was blocked after it ran a campaign for International Women’s Day on March 8, raising awareness about the restrictions imposed by the Islamic Republic against Iranian women.
In February, the Instagram page of Cenan, one of Iran's largest bakery companies, was shut down by the Islamic Republic's police after it released a promotional video featuring female employees without the mandatory hijab.
In March, Iranian authorities blocked the Instagram accounts belonging to multiple female artists under judiciary orders, ramping up an effort to limit the visibility of women vocalists, whose performances have been banned in public settings since the 1979 Islamic Revolution.
The restrictions on female artists have escalated since the protests following Mahsa Amini’s death in custody in 2022 over hijab, as many female performers supported the demonstrations. Several have been arrested or barred from professional activities.
Artistic defiance has become a hallmark of Iran’s protest movements, with musicians such as Shervin Hajipour, Mehdi Yarrahi, Saman Yasin and Toomaj Salehi facing arrest for their roles in encouraging dissent.
A theatrical “hell” installation staged by Iran’s Revolutionary Guards failed to deliver its fiery finale after technical issues left the exhibit cold on its final night, the online newspaper Faraz reported.
The immersive experience, part of the Heaven Time project in Gilan Province, aimed to depict scenes from the Islamic afterlife using real flames, costumed actors, and dramatized punishments. But on the final night, hell failed to ignite—at least on Earth.
Civil rights lawyer Hassan Younesi wrote on X that several women were denied entry to the “hell” exhibit for not wearing the mandatory hijab—sparking widespread irony online, where users said that those supposedly destined for hell were barred from even visiting it.
Images and reports from the event had already sparked ridicule online for what many called a crude and unsettling parody of faith.
Strict cultural restrictions by the Islamic Republic have helped pave the way for the runaway success of Eternal Love, a bawdy Persian-language dating show filmed in Turkey and streamed online into Iranian homes.
The YouTube-based reality series, launched in April 2025, shows young Iranian singles in a luxury villa competing for love and money—formats banned by Iran's theocracy but now flourishing beyond its reach.
“This program is an insult to Iranians, an insult to women,” said conservative Iranian film critic Massoud Farasati. “This show is so vile that one feels ashamed just watching it.”
According to information publicly available on the show’s official website, Eternal Love (Love in Mansion) is produced in Turkey by M Networks Yapım Dağıtım A.Ş.
Filmed in Bodrum, Eternal Love features flirtation, alcohol, designer fashion and physical intimacy—routinely censored in Iranian media.
Cultural red lines push audiences, creators abroad
The Islamic Republic has long banned or restricted dating shows, romantic drama, and portrayals of relationships outside marriage.
Over the past four decades, even minimal depictions of dance, drinking or romance have led to the suppression of domestic shows in Iran.
The state regulators' red lines mean much of contemporary life especially for younger people is absent from official screens.
Two recent examples highlight the scope of the restrictions.
The series Tasian was suspended over brief scenes of dance and alcohol consumption. A film adaptation of Savushun—Simin Daneshvar’s acclaimed novel—was also taken off a domestic streaming platform on Thursday after its first episode featured women dancing, touching men, and sharing drinks at a gathering.
Some viewers said the excessive control explains the reality show's success.
“When domestic shows are banned over a few seconds of dancing, people turn to Eternal Love, where at least they can watch without censorship,” one user wrote on X.
Contestants dance in an episode of Eternal Love
The online newspaper Faraz drew a direct link between the two events. In a report titled From Savushun’s Ban to Eternal Love’s Rise: Censorship in the Age of Choice, the paper wrote: “The sudden halt of Savushun, coinciding with the undeniable surge of Eternal Love on YouTube, is a fitting moment to re-examine how the official system deals with social, emotional and cultural narratives.”
“Today’s audience no longer waits for the approval of regulatory bodies; they make their own choices and follow content on platforms that speak the language and rhythm of real life."
A screengrab from Episode 1 of Eternal Love
“In such a context, censorship and bans no longer act as deterrents—they become triggers for attention and, in some cases, forms of indirect advertisement.”
Yet some analysts voiced concern. “Eternal Love targets the weaknesses of Iranian culture and has presented itself on social media by riding a wave of illusion,” sociologist Alireza Sharifi Yazdi said in an interview with the Hamshahri newspaper.
“Such cultural engineering leads to the weakening of deep and healthy relationships among young people.”
Other viewers were less harsh. “Maybe it’s shallow,” one Instagram user commented, “but at least it shows something that exists in society—something no one dares to talk about.”
State silence meets public curiosity
Though Iran’s state media have remained silent on Eternal Love, its reach has grown rapidly. Within weeks of launch, the show topped Persian-language viewership charts on YouTube.
Host Parastoo Salehi, once a fixture of state television, dismissed the silence during a livestream: “When you attack something, people want to see it even more.”
Eternal Love host Parastoo Salehi, a famous actress who became a critic of the Islamic Republic after leaving Iran
She emphasized that she had no hand in developing the show’s format or selecting contestants.
“I just show up and talk,” Salehi said. “I'm not a psychologist. I'm just gabbing.”
Yet criticism persists. Actress Shohreh Soltani described the show’s name as an affront to classical notions of love. “Calling this ‘eternal love’ is a disgrace to the concept,” she said, referencing Iranian literary archetypes like Layla and Majnun.
Farhikhtegan, a conservative daily, called the show “filthy lust marketed as freedom.”
A screengrab from Eternal Love
Gozare 24, in a separate editorial, argued: “It’s a mix of superficiality, vulgarity, and a distorted view of love and commitment. Yet its massive viewership, despite sharp criticism, shows how sensational and contrived content still captures attention.”
Revenue rises despite VPN access
Eternal Love has released 27 episodes on YouTube as of June 3, 2025. The first episode alone reached approximately 7 million views, while subsequent installments have each attracted between 3 and 4.5 million views.
YouTube compensates creators based on Cost Per Mille (CPM), with rates ranging from $2 to $12 per 1,000 views.
But because much of Eternal Love’s audience accesses the platform via VPNs from Iran—where ad targeting is limited and advertiser confidence is low—the effective CPM is likely near the lower end of the scale. After YouTube’s 45% share, creators typically retain 55% of revenue.
Conservative estimates would put their total YouTube revenue for the show from around $210,000 to $520,000, far below unsubstantiated guesses online of over $1 million in profits.
A screengrab from Eternal Love
Mirror for a suppressed generation
As Iran’s cultural bureaucracy tightens its grip on domestic production, Eternal Love offers something different—not depth, say critics, but visibility.
For a younger generation raised under pervasive censorship, the show appears to reflect a version of lived experience, however stylized or exaggerated.
A screengrab from Episode 1 of Eternal Love
“There is a hunger for real representation,” wrote one user on X. “And if it cannot be created inside Iran, it will be created outside.”
Whether Eternal Love represents social reality or market-driven spectacle, its rise signals a shift.
In trying to silence depictions of romance and lifestyle, the Islamic Republic has not eliminated them—it has simply handed the narrative to others, filming abroad, funded by unknown parties' sponsors and streamed into Iranian homes via VPNs.
An exhibition by Iran’s Revolutionary Guards meant to offer a visceral experience of the afterlife—particularly the torments of hell—has instead provoked widespread ridicule and criticism.
Inaptly titled Heaven Time, the display opened this week at a Revolutionary Guards’ base in Fouman in Iran’s lush northern Gilan Province.
Organizers claimed the project had the approval of prominent religious figures.
Fire, smoke, fake paradise
Photos and videos circulating on social media show visitors walking across a suspended bridge surrounded by real gas flames—meant to simulate the searing heat of hell.
Actors in grotesque costumes moan and writhe amid the fire and smoke, while loudspeakers blast Quranic verses describing punishments for sin and disbelief.
The display includes a dramatization of grave questioning by Nakir and Munkar—two angels in Islamic theology believed to interrogate the dead.
A makeshift depiction of paradise has drawn even sharper criticism for lacking the beauty or design of an ordinary public park.
The nearly barren pavilion features a patchy lawn, a narrow pond meant to represent paradise’s milk and honey streams, and a few scattered potted plants—leaving many visitors unimpressed by its aesthetics or spiritual feel.
Mocked by the masses
Criticism has poured in from across the political and religious spectrum—from ordinary Iranians to journalists, intellectuals, and conservative figures.
“You were supposed to build a paradise (in Iran), but created a hell instead and inaugurated it with a smile!” Iranian journalist Azadeh Mokhtari posted on X.
Outspoken wrestling Olympic champion Rasoul Khadem pilloried the whole idea.
“What hell is greater than a crowd of ungrateful and godless people with full stomachs and sick hearts urging the poor and hungry to be patient, content, self-restrained, pure-hearted, and honest?” he posted on Instagram.
Images of the exhibition went viral with comments that were almost unanimously negative, some with sharp humor underscoring the society's shift away from religion.
“There wasn’t a single unveiled woman in the hell that you built at so much cost. All these years you said unveiled women would go to hell, but none is to be seen there now that you have built a display of hell,” a user calling himself Ali’s Dad posted on X.
Backlash from the faithful
Even among the devout, the display was seen as offensive—more a parody of faith than a defense of it.
“It seems that superficial, rigid, and sanctimonious zealots have so dominated all spheres with their shallow and frozen understanding of religion that no scholar dares to oppose them!” prominent journalist and political activist Ahmad Zeydabadi posted on his Telegram channel.
The exhibition, he lamented, was a “mockery of religion”, and an “affront to Islam and the Quran.”
Conservative politician Abdolreza Davari warned that the display could erode, rather than reinforce, religious belief.
“The young Muslim will ask himself: ‘Is this the paradise that God has promised to those who worship Him their entire life and stay away from sin?" he posted on X. "For God’s sake, stop meddling with people’s religion and faith!”
The BBC on Monday accused Iran of stepping up pressure on journalists working for its Persian language service by intimidating their families in Iran, calling the moves a "sharp and deeply troubling escalation."
BBC Persian staff members' relatives in Iran are being subjected to arbitrary interrogations, travel bans, passport confiscations and threats of asset seizures, BBC Director-General Tim Davie said in a statement.
“These acts are clearly designed to exploit family ties as a means of coercion,” Davie said, adding Tehran authorities were “pressuring our journalists to abandon their work or return to Iran under false pretences.”
Iranian authorities have targeted its Persian language journalists covering the country over the past decade, the BBC says, prompting the broadcaster to lodge urgent complaints with the UN Human Rights Council in 2018 and again in 2022.
The British public broadcaster is preparing to lodge a new complaint with the UN Human Rights Council Special Procedures, according to its statement on Monday.
In recent years, other journalists from other Persian-language outlets including those from Iran International have reported similar attempts at intimidation.
In May 2025, British authorities arrested and charged three Iranian nationals—Mostafa Sepahvand, Farhad Javadi Manesh, and Shapoor Qalehali Khani Noori—under the UK's National Security Act.
They are accused of conducting surveillance and reconnaissance activities targeting Iran International journalists inside the United Kingdom.
The threats against Iran International staff have become a recurrent issue, dating back to 2022 when London's Metropolitan Police revealed plots against staff in London. In 2023, the threats reached a climax with the UK's MI5 saying it could no longer protect the team, forcing a temporary relocation to the US.
In March 2024, Pouria Zeraati, the television host of the "Last Word" program on Iran International, was stabbed by a group of unidentified individuals as he exited his residence in London.
Journalism watchdog Reporters Without Borders said last year that Tehran was carrying out "systematic targeting of journalists reporting on Iran from abroad, in an effort to silence them."
"London, home to major Persian-language broadcasters, has been a hotspot for such attacks because of the large number of Iranian journalists based there," the group added.
As Tehran insists in nuclear talks on its right to enrich uranium, many Iranians wonder why this right that has cost us so much in terms of sanctions and squeezed livelihoods has been elevated over the lost ones we actually care about.
The slogan “nuclear energy is our absolute right” emerged in the early 2000s, as tensions over Iran’s program escalated and international pressure mounted. It was printed on official banners and chanted in state-sponsored rallies.
But it was never a grassroots demand.
“I want to throw up when I hear the phrase nuclear energy,” says Babak, a software engineer in his mid-forties. “Everyone I know feels the same—it reminds them of high prices and empty pockets.”
It’s easy to see that the grudge runs far deeper and wider than the nuclear program.
“This nuclear standoff has made the wall between us and the rest of the world much taller. Every time (Foreign Minister Abbas) Araghchi says ‘non-negotiable’, he triggers a collective trauma: the lives we’ve lost to his ilk’s stupid posturing.”
They showed some reason with the 2015 deal, Babak says, but it was all undone when President Donald Trump pulled the U.S. out.
The chants about nuclear rights died out with that agreement. The term ‘enrichment’ crawled back to technical reports where it belongs.
Now, amid talks with the United States, the government is reviving it, calling enrichment “a non-negotiable right of the Iranian nation.”
Pride, what pride?
But the message holds little weight for many Iranians who increasingly feel their interests and those of Iran’s rulers are mutually exclusive.
“How am I benefiting from this technology, this so-called right?” my neighbour Sonia asks as she breastfeeds her baby in stifling afternoon heat during the daily power cut.
“Isn't one supposed purpose of nuclear energy generating electricity? Why are we having more power cuts with every passing year, then? Why is the share of nuclear power in our grid a literal zero?”
Sonia’s questions are rarely, if ever, discussed in Iran’s media. The nuclear program is a source of national pride, we’re told, and not being proud of it is a crime.
The disconnect between rulers and ruled is nearly complete—so is the gap between official claims and lived experience.
“Their contempt for us people is unreal. And it’s matched by ours for them,” Sonia concludes, her baby now fast asleep. “It’s gotten to a point where many oppose a deal that might improve their lives, because it would benefit the Islamic Republic far more.”
It’s about them, not us
Not everyone is so antagonistic toward the government. Some—more among the older generations, in my experience—are equally critical of regional and world powers.
Retired chemistry teacher Kazem is one of them. He’s the only one of four friends playing chess in the park who is willing to talk to me.
“The Americans first said low-level enrichment would be ok,” he says, “but then changed their position to ‘zero enrichment’, perhaps under pressure from hawks or (Israeli prime minister) Netanyahu.”
“I dislike most of what the government does, but on this one I think it’s the others in Europe and America who are being unreasonable and blocking a potential path forward.”
Kazem’s friends shake their heads in disagreement. One murmurs something to the effect that no sane man believes a word that “this bunch”, Iranian officials, say.
The distrust, in my view, is at the heart of every position that most ordinary Iranians take in relation to those who rule the country.
“The idea of peaceful nuclear energy is a total lie. Yes, it does have many applications—in medicine, for example. But show me just one hospital that’s benefiting from what’s being done in Natanz and Fordow.”
Reza is a technician at a private hospital in Tehran. He says he agrees with the official line about nations’ right to peaceful nuclear energy.
“But this has nothing to do with the nation,” he says, voice rising. “It’s about them, (supreme leader) Khamenei, the (Revolutionary) Guards and the leeches sucking Iran dry and sending the riches to their brood in Canada.
“If it was about the nation, the nation would have been consulted about it. Has anybody ever asked you if you’d rather have centrifuges or a decent car?”