The Supreme Leader-affiliated newspaper, Kayhan, has accused the International Atomic Energy Agency of acting as a tool for Western intelligence, following new legislation last month that imposed restrictions on the UN nuclear watchdog's activities in the country.
Though short-lived, the war inflicted deep symbolic and political damage on Tehran.
Strikes on strategic infrastructure, the killing of top commanders and damage to air defense systems raised serious doubts about the Islamic Republic’s capacity to provide security.
Far from healing old wounds, the war exposed and deepened the theocracy’s core weaknesses.
From water and power shortages to currency volatility, from political gridlock to widening social divides, nearly every facet of life in Iran bears the mark of dysfunction.
Instability is now normalized. It’s not the exception but the constant.
The new normal
Even before the war, Iran faced a web of interlocking crises: economic collapse, institutional decay, mass emigration, widespread social discontent, and deep political distrust.
Some political actors believed tactical flexibility or resource redistribution might restore order. Others foresaw collapse as inevitable. Both camps, in different ways, assumed that transformation—whether internal or external—was still possible.
The war has shifted that assumption.
Iran’s ruling establishment no longer appears capable of restoring legitimacy or reorganizing itself, but viable alternatives also seem more fractured than ever.
The opposition is scattered, the political class adrift, and grassroots movements are fragmented and organizationally thin.
Much of society is caught in a suspended state: disillusioned but not mobilized, angry but exhausted.
The Islamic Republic has tightened control—erecting checkpoints, increasing Revolutionary Guards and Basij presence and policing public spaces.
The message is blunt: We are still here. But this is not stability born of legitimacy. It is the visibility of power imposed on restless cities.
Today’s urban order rests not on consent, but on continuous police presence.
A collapsing narrative
The 12-day war exposed the hollowness of official narratives: deterrence, security and regional authority no longer carry weight.
Iran’s vulnerability wasn’t just military. It was discursive. The state’s security narrative took a direct hit.
Worse, the war ended without a lasting peace or credible guarantee against future conflict. Peace itself has become unstable. It’s more of an anxious interlude, not a resolution.
With explosions and air defense activity continuing in multiple regions, many expect a new, possibly more intense, confrontation.
Living With Crisis
The long-held notion that the Islamic Republic feeds on crisis is no longer sufficient.
In the past, crises were instrumental—tactics to manage society and consolidate power. Today, crisis is not just a means of rule but the system’s very foundation.
Crises are no longer resolved; they are extended, normalized, and embedded into daily life. The system doesn’t merely survive crisis—it is sustained by it.
This condition has been made possible by a combination of factors: the absence of a unifying alternative, the suppression of public discourse, the fragmentation of dissent, and the systematic blocking of political imagination.
The state has succeeded in minimizing mobilization through control—but it offers no vision for legitimacy in return.
Power has become form without content—a hollow repetition of authority sustained by imposed hopelessness.
Yet this persistence is not stability.
Chronic instability may appear contained—thanks to force and habituation—but the cracks are widening. The theocracy is more detached than ever from the economic, social and institutional foundations that once upheld it.
The drift into slow, grinding dysfunction leaves the country vulnerable to sudden shocks: social uprisings in neglected regions, systemic failures in water, health, or energy, or collective protests triggered by seemingly small sparks.
The Islamic Republic may still be standing—but the ground beneath it has never been shakier.
“The nuclear issue, uranium enrichment, and human rights are just excuses,” Khamenei said during a ceremony marking the 40th day after the deaths of Iranian military commanders and scientists killed during a recent 12-day conflict with Israel.
“Their real problem is Iran’s religion, knowledge, and national unity under the banner of Islam and the Quran.”
US President Donald Trump on Sunday expressed surprise at Tehran’s continued insistence on uranium enrichment despite last month’s American airstrikes on its nuclear facilities, vowing renewed strikes if Iran restarts nuclear work.
Speaking at the Imam Khomeini Hosseiniyeh at his residence in Tehran on Tuesday, Khamenei addressed families of the deceased and government officials.
“The world has now seen the full capability of the Islamic Republic up close,” he said. “These events are not new for us. For 46 years, we have resisted coups, wars, political unrest, and all types of plots.”
Khamenei added that Iran would not abandon its twin foundations of “religion and knowledge” despite mounting international pressure.
“With God’s help, we will continue to take great strides in strengthening our faith and deepening our scientific achievements,” he said. “To the dismay of our enemies, we will elevate Iran to the height of progress and pride.”
Iran’s nuclear program has long been a flashpoint in its relations with the West, with the US and European powers accusing Tehran of seeking to develop nuclear weapons. Iran denies the accusation, saying its nuclear activities are for peaceful purposes.
“When the IAEA effectively plays the role of America and the Zionist regime’s eyes, Iran must firmly resolve to blind the eyes of Mossad and the CIA,” the paper said on Monday, citing espionage devices allegedly hidden in personal belongings.
Earlier this month, Mahmoud Nabavian, deputy chair of parliament’s National Security Committee, said that “suspicious espionage chips” had been discovered in the shoes of IAEA inspectors during visits to Iranian nuclear sites.
“Iran must now act decisively to neutralize these threats,” Kayhan added.
Parliament passed legislation in late June to suspend cooperation with the agency, accusing it of having given intelligence to the US and Israel which helped attacks on nuclear facilities, key personnel and sensitive sites in the country in last month's 12-day war.
Under the law, future inspections require approval from the Supreme National Security Council -- under the supervision of Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei -- and the agency must guarantee nuclear site security.
Foreign Ministry spokesman Esmail Baghaei said on Monday that a new framework for cooperation with the agency was under discussion.
“We remain a party to the safeguards agreements and a senior agency official will visit Iran within two weeks,” he said.
Last week, Grossi said that Iran has signaled readiness to resume technical-level discussions with the UN nuclear watchdog, though any planned visit would not yet involve inspectors.
kayhan warned, “This disgraceful record demands that all interactions with the agency be conducted with maximum caution and a thoroughly distrustful outlook."
said this month that Iran may try IAEA Director General Rafael Grossi in absentia over his alleged role in facilitating attacks on Iran’s nuclear facilities.
Grossi has faced consistent criticism from Iranian outlets for political bias, including Kayhan’s earlier call for his arrest and execution.
Britain, France, and Germany condemned the threats and expressed full support for Grossi and the agency’s mandate.
