Iran’s Foreign Minister said on Wednesday that the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) must clarify how it would go about inspecting nuclear facilities bombed by Israel and the United States in June.
“If the agency wants to visit our sites, they’ve been bombed. Tell us—how do you expect to inspect a bombed nuclear facility? Is there a rule, a protocol, a guideline for that?” Abbas Araghchi said in an interview with state TV.
Araghchi criticized the UN nuclear watchdog for failing to condemn what he described as “illegal and savage” attacks on the country’s nuclear sites under its supervision. “This is the biggest violation of international law—truly unforgivable,” he said.
IAEA inspectors left the country following the 12-day conflict and whether Iran allows them to resume their work remains a focus of diplomacy between Iran and the West.
US President Donald Trump has repeatedly maintained that US airstrikes "obliterated" Iran's nuclear program but Iran's insistence it will not to renounce enrichment leaves the long-running impasse unresolved.
Talks, not inspection
Araghchi confirmed in the interview that Iran officially invited the IAEA's Deputy Director General to Tehran for a detailed discussion, asserting Iran's view that the framework for working with the UN nuclear watchdog had changed.
"He’s not coming for inspections or evaluations—we have not allowed and will not allow that," Araghchi said without naming the deputy.
Asked how Iran can continue working with the IAEA in light of a recent law suspending cooperation, Araghchi said the legislation only proposes new mechanisms for collaboration.
“The parliament passed a crucial law, effectively tying Iran’s cooperation with the IAEA to decisions by the Supreme National Security Council. Henceforth, all cooperation with the IAEA must go through and be approved by the Council,” Araghchi said.
Israel launched a series of strikes on June 13 targeting military and nuclear sites, assassinating senior commanders and killing hundreds of civilians. Iranian missiles killed 27 Israeli civilians.
The United States attacked the Isfahan, Natanz and Fordow nuclear sites with long-range bombers and submarine-launched missiles on June 22.
France, Germany and the United Kingdom have called on Iran to resume full cooperation with the IAEA, and while Iranian officials have previously indicated some talks might be soon, no definite date has been announced.
Araghchi added that no talks with the United States are finalized but confirmed that some requests have been made.
“There have been discussions and messages from the other side. Whether talks happen in the near or distant future depends entirely on what serves our interests.
“We fight, negotiate, use diplomacy, and rely on our defensive power and our people wherever necessary to secure national interests,” he added.
He added that while messages had been exchanged with the US side, no negotiations had been firmly agreed, and any future talks would depend on what Iran’s interests require.
Donald Trump said in July Iran wants to talk but that the United States is in no rush.
The improbable image fills the front page of hardline daily Vatan-e Emrooz, presented as part of the Islamic Republic’s “new generation of resistance.”
But analysts told Iran International it is less a reflection of reality than a carefully crafted narrative aimed at shoring up support for Tehran after its 12-day war with Israel — the worst direct military confrontation in their fraught history.
The war left hundreds of civilians dead, damaged infrastructure and deepened economic strain. In its aftermath, the Iranian establishment has worked to project resilience and unity, even among citizens who defy its strict social codes.
The Vatan-e Emrooz cover accompanied a story built around a Foreign Policy article by an Iranian-American academic which argued that some young Iranians are rallying behind Tehran’s anti-West, anti-Israel stance in the war’s aftermath.
Following the bruising conflict, Tehran embraced nationalist symbols it long suppressed, with mythological tales and ancient monarchs adorning public billboards.
For author Arash Azizi, whose book What Iranians Want: Woman, Life, Freedom examines political and social change, this type of imagery is part of a familiar playbook.
Referring to a domestic militia and Iran's Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps, he described Vatan-e Emrooz as “a hardliner outlet, traditionally close to the Basij, which is a section of the IRGC … known for a very sensational sort of tabloid-style headlines.”
The paper, he added, has long featured stylish young who appear supportive of the establishment to imply that “even sections of the population that flout the hijab rules … nevertheless supports its foreign and military policies.”
Holly Dagres, a senior fellow at the Washington Institute for Near East Policy, studies Iran’s younger generations and regularly tracks Gen Z and Gen Alpha trends.
She said that while this visual contrast between appearance and ideology is not new—women without hijab have backed hardliners, and chador-wearing women have voted reformist—the cover is nonetheless a strategic push.
“It’s for the regime to make a point, especially at a time when it has historically high anti‑regime sentiment, that ... we have the support of these individuals too that don’t usually fit the stereotypical box of what a good Islamic citizen in our view is," Dagres told Iran International.
No gesture by chance
Visual communication expert Siavash Rokni, who holds a PhD in communication and researcher in popular music at McGill University, sees deliberate messaging in the picture’s design: the woman’s ear “out of her scarf,” the bright blue clothes “evoking kind of happiness and rejuvenation and the future,” and her phone with a peace sign “as kind of the representation of Gen Z.”
Rokni also points to the way she holds her phone — not in a natural texting or scrolling posture, but almost like a prop, gripped sideways with fingers loosely wrapped around it. The position, he suggests, looks staged.
It’s an example of what Rokni calls the Islamic Republic’s turn to “soft war”—countering Western “soft power” via curated cultural imagery. The same effect is visible, he added, in rap lyrics and music videos where some artists are either funded or influenced by the IRGC to echo establishment talking points, while others openly align themselves with them.
Gen Z beyond reach?
Activist Tara Dachek, part of Iran’s Gen Z and now living abroad, sees the image as a sign of weakness, not strength. “The Islamic Republic is drowning — these are its last desperate gasps,” she told Iran International. Such visuals, she says, reflect “fear, repetition and desperation” rather than genuine engagement.
Having left Iran six years ago, Dachek believes the cover only affirms that her “generation is on the right path — the regime has already lost us.”
"Even back then, I didn’t trust state media. I never followed their news because I knew it wasn’t truth — it was survival wrapped in a lie," said Dachek.
Among younger Iranians, the dissatisfaction runs deep.
Surveys show that nearly 75% of Iranians—including many Gen Z individuals—opposed mandatory hijab, with 84% favoring a secular state over the Islamic Republic, according to GAMAAN — a Netherlands-based research organization that conducts large-scale online surveys of Iranians.
Gen Z, who wasn't yet born at the time of the 1979 revolution, frequently expresses opposition to both political Islam and compulsory dress codes while embracing global cultural values.
Despite Tehran’s efforts to project unity, young Iranians may not be as passive or easily swayed as officialdom believes. Shaped by years of protest and repression, they remain among the most vocal critics of the Islamic Republic.
Vadi, who held a doctorate in reactor engineering, had co‑authored a 2011 research paper with senior Iranian nuclear experts later killed during the June conflict with Israel, according to his Google Scholar profile.
According to the Telegram channel of Amir Kabir University, Vadi was a doctoral graduate of the university. He co-authored a paper with Abdolhamid Minouhchehr and Ahmad Zolfaghari, two prominent nuclear specialists killed during the 12-day war.
The judiciary said he was convicted of transferring classified information about one of the scientists killed in those attacks to Mossad.
Its official outlet Mizan reported that Vadi “knowingly and deliberately” cooperated with Israel’s intelligence service.
'Paid crypto'
Officials alleged he was recruited online, vetted by a Mossad officer using the alias Alex, and later assigned to a handler known as Kevin.
After his evaluation, Mossad allegedly determined that Vadi’s workplace and level of access made him a high‑value source,according to the judiciary.
He was then introduced to “one of Mossad’s top divisions.” At his request, payments were made monthly via a cryptocurrency wallet rather than a reward‑per‑mission system.
According to the case file, Vadi was instructed to buy a dedicated phone, laptop, and two flash drives to establish secure communications. After receiving technical training, he was tasked with gathering and transmitting sensitive and classified materials.
Widespread crackdown
Iran would “deal decisively and legally with spies,” referring to ongoing investigations following the June conflict with Israel, Judiciary chief Gholamhossein Mohseni Ejei said on Tuesday during a visit to North Khorasan Province.
Ejei recently said that more than 2,000 people had been arrested during and after the 12-day war, some of whom face the death penalty on charges of “organizational collaboration with the enemy.”
Amnesty International condemned the surge in executions and warned of further imminent deaths.
Iran Human Rights reported that 21 people were executed during the June conflict period, including six men charged with spying for Israel.
Among earlier executions was Mohammad-Amin Mahdavi-Shayesteh, accused of leading a Mossad-linked cyber group.
According to Amnesty, Iran was responsible for 64 percent of all recorded executions worldwide in 2024, and has carried out 612 hangings in the first half of 2025 alone.
Meetings in Vienna
Following initial data transfers, Vadi was reportedly sent to Vienna, where he had previously attended professional training, to meet Mossad officers in person.
On five occasions, he allegedly met them in Austria’s capital under what Iranian authorities described as “high‑level security protocols,” including multiple location changes, vehicle swaps, body searches, and use of “special meeting clothing” before talks began.
During these meetings, Vadi underwent psychological testing and a polygraph exam to assess loyalty and information accuracy. He was then re‑tasked to provide weekly updates on organizational developments and answer technical questions, with payments adjusted accordingly.
The judiciary said Vadi resisted instructions to send large batches of data all at once but ultimately transferred a collection of classified material, including information on the slain nuclear scientist.
Arrest and trial
Iran’s intelligence services said they placed Vadi under surveillance after one of his trips to Vienna. He was eventually arrested in Tehran, and prosecutors charged him with “espionage and intelligence cooperation with the Zionist regime in exchange for a specified payment.”
The court, citing Article 6 of the Law on Combating Hostile Actions of the Zionist Regime Against Peace and Security, along with other articles of the Islamic Penal Code, sentenced him to death for “extensive crimes against domestic and foreign security” and for “causing serious disruption to public order.”
The Supreme Court upheld the verdict, and the sentence was carried out on August 5, 2025.
