Iran International
A fresh hike in bread prices has deepened the strain on many Iranians, prompting warnings from a prominent economist that unchecked inflation could spark unrest.
The formal start of the UN “snapback” process to restore sanctions, the latest critical report by the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA), and President Masoud Pezeshkian’s high-visibility diplomacy at the Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO) summit together mark a decisive moment for Tehran.
The most immediate challenge is the likely restoration of UN snapback sanctions before 28 September.
European governments argue the trigger is Iran’s sustained non-compliance with key limits in the 2015 Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA) over the past six years. Tehran rejects that position, insisting the E3 forfeited standing by failing to deliver promised economic normalization after Washington’s 2018 withdrawal.
Whatever the legal briefs, reinstated measures would effectively return Iran to a Chapter VII-related sanctions framework, with all the familiar consequences: renewed constraints on arms transfers, reinforced financial isolation, and fresh layers of economic restrictions that have already strained household incomes and the broader investment climate.
Scrutiny intensifies
New IAEA findings have sharpened scrutiny of Iran’s program.
The agency signaled fresh shortfalls in cooperation, pointing to unexplained inventories of enriched uranium at levels exceeding JCPOA caps.
A confidential tally circulated to member states indicated Iran holds about 441 kilograms of uranium enriched to 20% or higher – enough, by the agency’s rule of thumb, to yield material for around ten nuclear devices if further refined.
Director General Rafael Grossi has said there is no sign of diversion, but emphasized the need for verification and timely documentation – something Iranian officials have yet to provide.
Rather than escalate immediately, the Secretariat has kept contacts open in hopes of restoring routine access. Two reports to the IAEA’s 35-nation Board of Governors underline the urgency: inspections must resume “without delay,” and the buildup of highly enriched stocks remains a “serious concern.”
Eastward turn accelerates
It is against this tightening sanctions and verification backdrop that President Pezeshkian’s China tour looms large.
Over a week of meetings – most prominently with Xi Jinping in Beijing and Vladimir Putin in Tianjin – Tehran sought to translate a long-advertised “Look East” doctrine into concrete political and economic ballast.
Iranian officials pressed for more than sympathetic rhetoric: Moscow and Beijing are backing Iran’s claim that snapback is legally void but, crucially, Tehran hopes they avoid implementing any reimposed UN measures.
For China and Russia, the ask is non-trivial. Skirting U.S. and European unilateral sanctions is one thing; openly discounting UN obligations is another, with implications for their global positioning.
Still, Pezeshkian delivered a message calibrated for both audiences at once.
He reaffirmed Iran as a “reliable friend” to China, echoing Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei’s priority on eastern partnerships. He also stressed Tehran’s readiness to operationalize the 25-year agreement with Beijing across energy, infrastructure, and technology.
The session with Putin amplified the signal: in Tehran’s view, China and Russia are no longer transactional partners of convenience, but strategic anchors to confront Western pressures.
Roadblocks remain
The SCO summit in Tianjin provided the showcase for this reorientation. Now a full member, Iran leaned into the organization’s language of sovereignty, non-interference, and resistance to unilateralism.
Yet the question of deliverables hangs over the pageantry.
Iran’s earlier eastward experiments, notably under Mahmoud Ahmadinejad, yielded less than the rhetoric promised. Banking bottlenecks, compliance risks for major companies, and the gravitational pull of Western markets on Chinese firms limited follow-through.
Whether today’s geopolitical alignment—and the higher stakes of great-power competition—change those cost-benefit calculations is the live test.
For Tehran, success will be measured not in communiqués but in sustained energy sales, credible financing channels, technology transfers, and visible progress on infrastructure that can withstand sanctions headwinds.
Future hangs in balance
Inside Iran, the “Look East” pivot has sparked an energetic debate.
Hardline outlets herald the emergence of an “Eastern front” that validates decades of resistance to Western dominance. But reformist and moderate voices warn that the country risks swapping one form of dependence for another.
Their critique is less civilizational and more structural: if Iran becomes overly reliant on Moscow and Beijing for markets, capital, and diplomatic cover, it could re-create the asymmetries of influence that the 1979 Revolution sought to overturn.
In this reading, the pivot is a pragmatic hedge, but also a bargain that may constrain policy autonomy over time.
The central uncertainty is whether the “Look East” approach can move beyond symbolism and episodic deals to furnish the durable economic and technological lifelines Iran needs.
If it can, Tehran may blunt the effect of renewed UN measures and stabilize growth on an alternative platform. If it cannot, the pivot risks devolving into a slogan that masks deepening isolation and narrowing options.
As September advances toward the snapback deadline, Tehran stands at a genuine crossroads.
Choices made now – on access for inspectors, on the pace and level of enrichment, on the specificity of commitments with China and Russia – will shape not only Iran’s nuclear trajectory and economic survival, but also the character of its grand strategy for the remainder of Khamenei’s tenure.
In Iran, the term “guaranteed purchase of wheat” refers to a government program whereby the Government Trading Corporation (GTC) commits to buying wheat from domestic farmers at a pre-established, fixed price.
The government says the policy shields farmers from volatile market prices and ensures a stable income by offering a predictable price while also enabling the government to manage reserves of the staple crop and guarantee supply.
However, state-guaranteed purchases had dropped to 700,000 tons, Attaollah Hashemi, head of the National Wheat Farmers Foundation, told ISNA news agency on Thursday.
'Risks ahead'
“This year’s guaranteed purchases have decreased by 35 percent compared to last year, a decline that is a direct result of reduced production caused by drought and insufficient rainfall,” he said.
The government still owes some farmers payments for wheat deliveries but promised settlement soon, Hashemi added. He warned that “reliance on wheat imports could bring serious risks for the country.”
According to US Department of Agriculture data, the country's wheat production for the 2024/25 season is projected at around 16 million metric tons.
Despite these figures, Iran’s import needs can vary: the FAO projects wheat import requirements for the 2024/25 marketing year (April–March) at 1.3 million tons.
However, due to drought-induced production shortfalls, imports are expected to rise in the current calendar year to about 4.5 million tons, according to state media.
Water crisis
Agriculture Minister Gholamreza Nouri Ghezaljeh recently described the situation as unprecedented. “From the perspective of food security, we are in the most difficult circumstances,” he said, citing poor economic conditions and what he called the worst droughts in memory.
Production had fallen by 35 to 40 percent due to energy shortages and irrigation problems, Ghadamali Bourbour, deputy head of the Wheat Farmers Foundation, said in late August.
“This decline is rare in Iran’s agricultural history,” he said, adding that the trend would also push up dairy and meat prices.
Despite repeated water cuts across cities, official data show that 80 to 90 percent of Iran’s consumption still goes to agriculture, much of it under traditional methods.
With procurement falling and drought intensifying, the government faces rising pressure to reform or risk deeper food insecurity.
Bread remains the cornerstone of an affordable meal, but even that is slipping beyond reach as prices surge.
“If inflation remains unchecked … Iran could witness a bread riot,” economist Hossein Raghfar told the moderate outlet Rouydad24 this week, warning that inaction could have consequences far beyond the economy.
“The lack of planning, combined with external pressures, could leave the country vulnerable to regime change efforts by foreign powers and threaten Iran’s political and social stability,” he added.
Several Iranian outlets linked the latest hikes to the psychological impact of the reactivation of the “trigger mechanism” and the snapback of pre-2015 sanctions.
Raghfar said poor crisis management has already driven up the cost of foreign trade and imports, predicting further increases and unrest as pressures mount.
Bleak outlook
Iran’s Chamber of Commerce last week projected a worst-case scenario of a 60% currency plunge, inflation at 75%, and unemployment at 14% in the coming months if sanctions are reinstated.
The Chamber later retracted its forecasts, reportedly after a visit by security agencies to its Tehran offices.
Raghfar echoed the concern without citing the forecast. “The snapback of sanctions will severely impact Iran’s international trade and shipping,” he said. “At the same time, Iran will face increased restrictions on international banking.”
Tehran is failing to address mounting challenges, Raghfar argued, accusing the government of devising policies that often appear to align with the aims of those seeking to topple the Islamic Republic.
President under fire
Some critics have been more specific.
Moderate politician and former Tehran mayor Gholamhossein Karbaschi told Khabar Online that President Masoud Pezeshkian was wasteful and misplaced his priorities.
“When he visits shrines or the graves of martyrs, he is accompanied by a massive entourage … of 1–2,000, whose presence is unnecessary and has no meaningful impact on the president’s security,” Karbaschi said.
“The funds allocated to certain religious propaganda organizations exceed the annual budgets of entire ministries,” he added.
Karbaschi omitted that most such organizations are linked to the office of the supreme leader and lie beyond any administration’s remit. Pezeshkian himself underlined this limited authority on Wednesday.
“Why should the country’s resources be handed over without reason to institutions and bodies that have no benefit or usefulness?” he asked at a conference.
