Genie out of the bottle: Mahsa Amini’s death gives Iranian women new life

After the crackdown, hardliners introduced new “hijab enforcement” bills and deployed surveillance cameras to identify unveiled women.

The laws remain on the books, but the persistent defiance of women—and men supporting them—has rendered them largely unenforceable.

“Looking back to three years ago, when the government seemed in total control, I wonder at the courage of those who left home to protest knowing they could be shot, arrested, blinded, or confined to a wheelchair for life,” said Shina, a 34-year-old artist in Tehran.

Recalling the 2022–2023 protests and the extraordinary violence against demonstrators, she described the cost as heavy.

“People eventually returned to their homes, but no one doubts that the change that followed was worth it. Those who protested will protest again, and many who stayed home will go out if women's achievements are in danger,” she said.

Walking through even conservative cities such as Qom and Mashhad, as witness accounts and an abundance of videos on social media attest, the rules for women's appearance have shifted drastically since Mahsa Amini died in morality police custody in 2022.

The nationwide protests which followed were scotched with deadly force.

Her supposed offense was strands of hair showing beneath her headscarf, though she wore a modest black coat and trousers.

At the time, morality police patrols were a daily fixture, stationed at squares, metro stops and shopping malls, stopping and arresting thousands of women or impounding their cars.

Today, unveiled women are a pervasive sight in shops, banks, restaurants and metro cars.

'No going back'

On top of the gains, new boundaries are being tested daily by women.

“There is no going back for women. The genie is out of the bottle and can’t be pushed back into it,” said Taha, a 55-year-old from Tehran, and pointed to shifts far beyond clothing.

“For decades, riding motorbikes was taboo. Just look at how many women now ride in defiance of authorities who refuse them licenses because of gender. Like those who defied the hijab, they are multiplying by the day and will eventually force the government to give in,” he said.

Public singing and dancing—once unimaginable—are now similarly more visible, especially among young people. Women post videos of their performances on social media. Each act chips away at decades of enforced control, much like posting unveiled photos once did.

Women are not alone

Many Iranian men openly support women’s demand for control over their appearance and lives.

“My daughter dreams of becoming a gymnast or ballerina, performing for the public and taking part in international competitions. Other young girls have similar aspirations," said Alireza, father of a teenage boy and girl.

"The women of my generation were forced into submission and their dreams were lost, but the young people of today will not give in; they know that they still have a long way to go and need our support."

Taha said male solidarity with women was essential for progress.

“Seeing women breaking out of boundaries is extraordinary and inspiring. We must support them in whatever way we can so our daughters, wives, and friends can't be forced back into defined roles,” he added.

"What Iranian women have achieved, through years of perseverance and sacrifice, has been a lesson to all.”

Since the 12-day war with Israel in June, athletes have been performing military-style salutes to the flag at international competitions—a move heavily promoted by state media but denounced by opposition groups and angry fans.

The first instance came on June 14, a day after Israel’s strikes, when Iran’s volleyball team saluted before a match in the FIVB Men’s Nations League.

Whether the move was spontaneous or ordered by authorities remains unclear. Since then, athletes at send-off ceremonies, matches and even homecomings are expected to perform the gesture.

Opponents condemn what they see as forced reverence for the flag and anthem, symbols they see as inseparable from the Islamic Republic’s ideology.

Refusal to sing the anthem had become one of the most visible forms of athlete protest in recent years.

State media, including Press TV, portray the salutes as loyalty to the armed forces and solidarity with war victims.

Following the June conflict with Israel and the United States, authorities have embraced a nationalism they once suppressed to rally a weary public. Sports are now used to showcase allegiance.

“This gesture shows our enemies that the nation always stands behind the Leader of the Revolution,” said MP Rahim Zare, praising the footballers’ salute before a CAFA Nations Cup match against India.

Opponents, however, slammed the display and even celebrated the team’s defeat online.

“These are the regime’s team,” one X user wrote. “It used to be the national team when it didn’t give military salutes.”

Football’s loss of support

The national football team, Team Melli, has suffered a dramatic loss of support since the 2022–23 protests triggered by Mahsa Amini’s death in custody.

Some players condemned the crackdown, wore black armbands, and refused to sing the anthem at the Qatar World Cup. Their defiance drew global attention but was followed by a return to compliance, reflecting intense behind-the-scenes pressure.

Many fans began calling the squad the “mullahs’ team.” Victories no longer stirred pride; defeats—such as the Asian Cup loss to Qatar in February 2024—were even welcomed by some.

Pressure beyond football

The football squad’s experience is emblematic, but pressure extends across sports. Athletes risk harassment, arrest and career ruin for small acts of defiance.

Voria Ghafouri, captain of Esteghlal, was arrested in November 2022 after criticizing the government’s protest crackdown and supporting Kurdish rights. His career has since collapsed.

Legendary striker Ali Daei and his family were also targeted: his Tehran businesses were shut, and authorities forced a jetliner to land to stop his family from leaving the country.

Images from a charity match last week showed Daei and fellow former player Hamid Estili refusing to sing the anthem—a quiet but potent reminder that, even under relentless pressure, the anthem remains one of the few remaining stages for resistance.

In recent interviews with the centrist Entekhab website, media expert Hadi Khaniki, historian Hashem Aghajari, and former minister Abbas Akhoundi all cautioned that time for meaningful change is rapidly running out.

“The war reset societal connections, reducing individualism,” said Hadi Khaniki, an academic and former adviser to President Mohammad Khatami. “This is a moment for reorganization, but the opportunity for change is limited.”

Khaniki pointed to the temporary surge of unity during the June–July war with Israel, urging authorities to build on that momentum by fostering public satisfaction rather than relying solely on control.

“Before the war,” he noted, “issues like gasoline shortages, water scarcity, sanctions, and inequality had eroded social capital and trust in institutions. The war, however, triggered a ‘people’s war’ dynamic, fostering temporary solidarity and patriotism.”

To avoid a return to pre-war discontent, he warned, the government must reduce threats, revise failed policies, and prioritize public well-being.

Iranian Reformation

Historian Hashem Aghajari echoed similar concerns.

Best known for his 2002 blasphemy trial, he called for a “Protestant-like” overhaul of Iranian Shiism to meet contemporary needs.

“Islam in Iran needs its own Reformation, not to abandon faith, but to liberate it from clerical monopolies. Just as Luther challenged Rome, we must question the absolutism of Velayat-e Faqih (Guardianship of the Jurisconsult),” he said.

Turning to the economic despair gripping the country, Aghajari added: “Sanctions and mismanagement have turned hope into hunger. The youth see no future unless we democratize the economy and end the kleptocracy.”

He warned the window for transformation is rapidly closing: “This opportunity is fleeting, measured in months, not years. Seize it with inclusive policies, or watch the society splinter into irreconcilable tribes.”

‘Weak mandates’

Although Aghajari’s interview was later redacted, presumably under official pressure, its transcript remains accessible through a related Entekhab interview with former minister Abbas Akhoundi.

In his September 6 interview, Akhoundi argued that Iran’s leaders operate with weak mandates and short-term horizons.

“A president elected by roughly 30% of eligible voters, and lawmakers who won less than 5%, can only pursue short-term goals,” he said.

This mode of governance, he added, had failed for nearly five decades and is unlikely to bear fruit now.

“Tehran faces three options to break the deadlock: pursue a comprehensive agreement with the West, escalate tensions to force a resolution, or continue the current inertia, ‘a suspension within a suspension,’ which would further damage livelihoods and financial stability.”

Hardline lawmakers and media outlets say chief negotiator Abbas Araghchi and International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) Director General Rafael Grossi have given contradictory accounts of the scope of inspector access to Iranian facilities.

Araghchi insisted the agreement limits inspector access for now to the Bushehr power plant, while calling it a “step in the right direction.” Grossi, by contrast, said it establishes “practical modalities” for inspections covering “all facilities and installations” in Iran.

The ultra-hardline daily Kayhan, funded by the office of Iran’s Supreme Leader, accused negotiators of bypassing parliament’s authority.

“The bitter experience of the JCPOA and the deceitful games of ‘fact sheets’ is being repeated once again—this time with a counterpart that has a record of espionage, servitude to Israel,” a Thursday editorial read.

The paper also claimed the E3 of France, Germany and the United Kingdom delayed activating the snapback mechanism and extended the deadline for reinstating UN sanctions only to prolong psychological pressure on Iran.

No trust for the IAEA

Hamid Rasaei, an ultra-hardline lawmaker, complained that he has not even been able to see the contents of the Cairo agreement.

“What Araghchi says about inspections would only be meaningful if either the text of the agreement was published or the IAEA had formally confirmed it,” he posted on X.

Rasaei also accused Grossi of passing information to Tehran’s foes and warned against granting the Agency access to bombed sites.

“What value does a commitment from an organization that has never condemned US and Israeli military strikes really have?” he asked.

Rasaei and other hardline MPs who recently tabled a “triple-urgency” bill to pull Iran out of the nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT) now argue the Cairo agreement tramples on a June bill requiring suspension of cooperation with the IAEA.

Who benefits?

Amirhossein Sabeti, another ultra-hardline lawmaker and adviser to former nuclear negotiator Saeed Jalili, described the Cairo deal bluntly as a “disaster.”

“Araghchi’s deal with Grossi undermines national interests, paves the way for renewed attacks on Iran, and violates Parliament’s legislation,” he wrote on his Telegram channel.

“The return of IAEA spies and inspections of Iran’s nuclear sites serves the Agency’s interests but provides no benefit whatsoever to Iran,” he added, calling the agreement “passive and born of weakness.”

EU, US watching

Meanwhile, European governments have welcomed the Cairo accord but remain cautious.

“It is not enough for Iran to make promises for tomorrow, we need to see evidence from Iran today,” the E3—which triggered the snapback mechanism last month—said in an open letter, noting that key sites remain closed and the timeline for full access is unclear.

The United States on Wednesday urged Iran to take “immediate and concrete action” to meet its nuclear safeguards obligations, warning the IAEA board may need to act if Tehran fails to cooperate.

Grossi had announced Tuesday that Tehran would grant inspectors access to nuclear sites. But Araghchi quickly walked it back, saying it was only “a one-time access to the Bushehr Power Plant that had been granted earlier.”

He added that any future agreement depended on halting “hostile actions against Iran, including activation of the trigger mechanism.”

The mixed signals captured Iran’s familiar pattern: apparent concessions abroad, followed by dismissive clarifications at home.

Araghchi himself has a record of burnishing his toughness after negotiations.

In 2014, he claimed he had shouted at US negotiators and thrown his pen at Wendy Sherman; the tale was later debunked, with witnesses recalling a calm exchange and even small talk about grandchildren.

Reasons for optimism

Despite Araghchi’s backtracking, many in Tehran saw Grossi’s visit as a sign Iran may be edging toward engagement.

With the snapback of international sanctions due in less than ten days, moderates urged the government to seize the moment.

Khabar Online called the Cairo deal “a first step to stop the snapback and pave the way for constructive negotiations with the United States.”

Reformist Rouydad24 and conservative Farhikhtegan alike said “Iran appears to be taking a new approach.”

That chorus grew louder on Sunday.

Prominent reformist Behzad Nabavi told Etemad that “a change in paradigms” is needed, insisting “wisdom calls for negotiations with the United States.” Former lawmaker Ali Motahari went further, urging President Masoud Pezeshkian to meet Donald Trump at the UN General Assembly in New York.

Missed Openings

The precedent is shaky.

In 2000, President Mohammad Khatami was moments from a handshake with Bill Clinton before hardliners stopped him; he reportedly ducked into a bathroom to avoid the encounter.

In 2013, Hassan Rouhani’s brief phone call with Barack Obama drew a public rebuke from Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei.

Both moments revealed how even modest steps toward dialogue can be reversed in Tehran.

Araghchi’s Cairo reversal echoed past retreats and left many questioning whether Tehran can commit to real engagement. Skeptics argue that optimism will always be checked by the system’s instinct for resistance.

News of the Grossi agreement briefly pushed the dollar below one million rials on Tuesday, only for it to rebound above one million and ten thousand by Wednesday. Traders complained of volatility, while regional insecurity after Israel’s strike in Doha added to the pressure.

Even the markets seem unsure which way Iran is heading.