Israeli Strike Hits High-Security District In Syrian Capital
The aftermath of a suspected Israeli air strike in Damascus on January 24, 2024
Several Israeli missiles hit a residential building in the Kafr Sousa district in Syria's capital Damascus on Wednesday, Syrian state media reported, after a recent string of similar strikes.
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The neighborhood hosts residential buildings, schools and Iranian cultural centers, and lies near a large, heavily-guarded complex used by security agencies. The district was targeted in an Israeli attack in February 2023 that killed Iranian military experts.
The Syrian Observatory, a war monitoring group based in Britain, reported that a building near an Iranian school in Damascus was targeted. The area is frequented by senior officials of Iran’s Revolutionary Guard.
Rami Abdulrahman, the head of the Observatory, said that the target of the attack was to eliminate Hezbollah and IRGC personnel. So far, three individuals have been reportedly killed.
There have been several strikes since January targeting high-value Iranian targets in Syria and particularly in Damascus. Targets near a military airport west of the Syrian capital Damascus were attacked on February 9 by unidentified missiles on drones. An Iranian military adviser was killed in another attack in Damascus on February 2.
Syrian state news agency SANA said an "Israeli attack" had targeted a residential building but made no mention of casualties. It published an image of the charred side of a multi-story building.
Witnesses heard several back-to-back explosions. The blasts scared children at a nearby school and ambulances rushed to the area, the witnesses told Reuters.
There was no immediate comment from the Israeli military. Since 2017, Israel is believed to have launched hundreds of air strikes against Iran-affiliated targets in Syria.
Iran has been a major backer of President Bashar al-Assad during Syria's nearly 12-year conflict. Its support for Damascus and the Lebanese group Hezbollah has drawn regular Israeli air strikes meant to curb Tehran's extraterritorial military power.
With only ten days remaining before the March 1 elections in Iran, politicians are still weighing the advantages and disadvantages of participating in the vote amidst broad government electoral manipulations.
“Reformists cannot participate in meaningless, non-competitive, unfair, and ineffective elections in governing the country.” This is strategy number 4 of the Iranian Reformist Front’s statement on the 2024 elections. Contrary to this strategy and the majority vote of of Reformist organizations to boycott the elections, 110 Reformist activists have urged people to participate. This request has sparked intense debate among the Reformist activists and strategists.
Now it is evident that a faction of the Reformist camp cannot overlook the sacrifices of the “Women, Life, Freedom” Movement, which include 550 deaths, tens of thousands of arrests, more than 10 political executions, and the blinding and maiming of hundreds of individuals, and encourage people to return to the polls. Another faction still advocates for voting for the lesser evil, forming a minority in the Majles (parliament) to promote economic development.
However, they fail to explain how development and progress can be achieved while maintaining intact the nuclear and expansionist programs, which have brought on crippling US sanctions.
Pro-boycott arguments
What are the main arguments of both sides of this debate? Pro-boycott Reformists present arguments that diverge significantly from the reformists’ trajectory in the past two decades. From their perspective, the main issues with the statement of 110 activists include the futility of participation, the lack of significance of the 2024 elections, legitimization of disqualifications through participation, and the absence of any clear boundaries set by these 110 individuals. This same argument could have been raised during the 2000 presidential elections that led to Khatami's second term, yet the Reformists participated in all elections from 2000 to 2020.
Pro-boycott activists believe that both the Majles and the Expert Assembly are irrelevant in governing the country. The Majles lacks real checks and balances and monitoring power, with tens of councils in the country possessing legislative authority. The Expert Council has never fulfilled its responsibility to hold Khamenei accountable, and the next leader will be chosen by the security and military establishment.
Critiquing the statement of pro-participation Reformists, Mohsen Armin the vice president of the Reform Front said: Society is so dissenting and angry that any participation in the elections will not yield any results beneficial to the public." He considered the pro-participation group to be a minority among the Reformists and accused them of employing "fantasy-based theories" to highlight their fundamental differences with the majority, resulting only in division.
Blaming Ali Khamenei for Iran's "defective political system," imprisoned political activist Mostafa Tajzadeh, has declared in a letter that he will not vote in the upcoming elections. He cites several strategic mistakes by the leader of the Islamic Republic, including "rendering elections meaningless and rendering elected institutions ineffective, especially the parliament."
Pro-participation arguments
The pro-participation camp argues for consensus-building, gradualism, problem-solving coalitions, and attention to the institutional and structural contexts of the goals. However, the Reformists did have strong presence in the parliament prior to 2020 and failed to achieve any of these goals. The numerous instances of Reformists' participation through allegiance to the regime have not sufficed to prove their loyalty and good intentions. Their candidates were massively banned from the 2020 parliamentary and the 2021 presidential elections.
"Since 2020, according to all indicators, we have been moving in the wrong direction, proponents of boycotting the 2020 and 2021 elections…should evaluate the consequences of this policy," says one of the signatories of this statement. According to this interpretation, economic and social decline is not attributable to the regime's corruption, incompetence, waste, expansionism, authoritarianism, and totalitarianism but rather to the decreased participation of people over the past five years. It is the people's fault for not voting sufficiently.
There is also a foreign element in the pro-participation arguments. Some argue that alleged enemies such as Donald Trump or Benjamin Netanyahu will take advantage of a low turnout in the elections as the legitimacy of the regime comes under question. This implies that, out of fear of Trump and Netanyahu, Iranians should embrace their brutal and corrupt leaders and pledge allegiance to Khamenei, despite the Reformists having a very slim chance of winning any parliamentary seats.
Iranian political activist Nazanin Boniadi has penned a letter to US officials, urging them to walk out during the address by Iran's Foreign Minister at the UN Human Rights Council (UNHRC) on February 26.
"I implore all democratic member states to unite in protesting the IRI regime’s egregious abuses against Iranians & brutalities abroad via proxies," wrote Boniadi on her social media account.
The letter directly addressed to Secretary of State Anthony Blinken and US Ambassador to the UN Linda Thomas-Greenfield, highlighting the severity of the situation in Iran. "He is the representative of a brutal and cruel regime that beats, blinds, rapes, poisons, unlawfully detains, forcibly disappears, tortures and murders its own people," the letter stated.
Boniadi emphasized the need for a unified stand against the Iranian regime's human rights violations. "You must surely recognize the inappropriateness of a representative of this brutal and criminal regime being allowed to address the UNHRC," she added.
The call for action comes after continuing repression in Iran and an increase in executions. In 2022 and 2023 the government killed around 550 citizens during protests sparked by the death of Mahsa Amini.
"More than 500 demonstrators were killed by security forces in the protests following Mahsa's death, after they were given free rein by the regime’s top officials in an attempt to quell the uprising," the letter highlighted.
British maritime security firm Ambrey said that a container ship targeted by Yemen's Houthis on Tuesday was Liberia-flagged and headed for Somalia.
The Iran-aligned Houthi militia said it had targeted an Israeli cargo ship, the "MSC Silver", in the Gulf of Aden, next to the Red Sea, with a number of missiles.
Houthi military spokesman Yahya Sarea did not elaborate, but in a statement said the group had also used drones to target a number of US warships in the Red Sea and Arabian Sea as well as sites in the southern Israeli resort town of Eilat.
"The Houthis characterized the vessel as Israeli. The operator was publicly listed as (in) cooperation with ZIM and regularly called (at) Israeli ports," the Ambrey advisory note said.
Zim Integrated Shipping Services Ltd, commonly known as ZIM, is a publicly held Israeli international cargo shipping company headquartered in Israel.
The Houthis, who control Yemen's most populous regions, have attacked vessels with commercial ties to the United States, Britain and Israel, prompting retaliatory Western strikes on Houthi military sites in Yemen.
The Houthis have vowed to continue targeting ships linked to Israel in solidarity with Palestinians until Israeli forces stop their war in Gaza.
"There is no danger to international or European navigation so long as there are no aggressive operations, and thus, there is no need to militarize the Red Sea," Houthi spokesman Mohammed Abdul Salam said in a post on X on Tuesday.
"What the world is impatiently waiting for is not the militarization of the Red Sea, but rather an urgent and comprehensive declaration of a ceasefire in Gaza, for humanitarian reasons that are clear to anyone."
A US military Mq-9 drone was shot down near Yemen by Iran-backed militants, two US officials said on Tuesday, the second time such a shoot down has taken place in recent months during a near daily tit-for-tat between the group and US forces.
The Houthis, who have controlled most of Yemen for nearly a decade, have carried out repeated drone and missile strikes since November in the Red Sea and Bab al-Mandab Strait against commercial and military ships. US and British forces have responded with multiple strikes on Houthi facilities but have so far failed to halt the attacks.
One of the officials, speaking on the condition of anonymity, said initial information showed that the US drone, made by General Atomics, was hit near Hodeidahon Monday. The official said information could change and did not say if the drone was in international airspace.
The second official said the drone was shot down by a Houthi surface-to-air missile fired from near Hodeida.
The comments by the officials confirm a claim by the Houthis that they had shot down a drone near the port city.
In November, another Mq-9 was shot down by the Houthis and two drones were brought down by the group in 2019.
The Houthi militants said on Monday they had attacked the Rubymar cargo vessel in the Gulf of Aden, which was at risk of sinking, raising the stakes in their campaign to disrupt global shipping in solidarity with Palestinians in the Gaza war.
Despite Western attacks on them in Yemen, the Houthis have vowed to continue targeting ships linked to Israel until attacks on Palestinians in the Gaza Strip stop.
The hacktivist group Edalat-e Ali has disclosed a major breach in the servers of the Iranian judiciary, boasting access to a vast repository comprising millions of files and a treasure trove of confidential documents.
The documents encompass a spectrum of sensitive subjects, ranging from internal deliberations within the National Security Council following the death of Mahsa Amini to efforts aimed at quelling unauthorized VPN vendors, protests against the 2020 employment examination, and cases related to economic corruption.
The group unveiled a series of documents suggesting the complicity of the Iranian government in prosecuting prominent public figures during the 2022 uprising and preceding events.
They revealed a list encompassing 29 cinema and television figures alongside football stars accused of crimes including "anti-government propaganda activity" and allegations of "conspiracy and collusion against national security."
Actress Katayoun Riyahi, known for her public appearances without compulsory hijab during the uprising following Mahsa Amini's killing, faces charges encompassing “conspiracy, anti-government activities, and inciting moral corruption through her actions.”
(Clockwise) Actresses Katayou Riyahi and Hemgameh Ghaziani, and footballers Voria Ghafouri and Ali Daei
Similarly, football icons like Ali Daei, Aref Gholami, and Voria Ghafouri have been accused of fomenting dissent and engaging in activities deemed against national security.
The document, authored by Mohammad Mehdi Heidarian, the then head of the Joint Working Group on Celebrity Management and advisor to the Minister of Culture in 2019, outlines a comprehensive strategy involving multiple government entities tasked with overseeing and managing public figures, thus underscoring the regime's efforts to suppress dissent and enforce conformity.
The group's previous revelations, including documents implicating security forces in acts of sexual assault and extrajudicial violence against protesters, underscore the gravity of the situation and the need for accountability within Iran's governing apparatus.
The latest hacking is one in a long line of cyber attacks on the regime. The incidents have escalated since the 2022 uprising. From breaches in the judiciary's servers to infiltrations of surveillance infrastructure at Evin Prison and servers belonging to the Islamic Republic of Iran Broadcasting (IRIB), these hacks have underscored the vulnerability of Iran's digital infrastructure.
Each breach has not only exposed confidential information but also served as a catalyst for heightened scrutiny of the regime's activities and policies. The frequency and scale of the hacks reflect the ongoing tensions within Iranian society and the determination of hacktivists to challenge the status quo.
In the past year, MEK-affiliated hackers have targeted the portals of several other government agencies including Tehran Municipality, the Presidential Office, and the ministries of Foreign Affairs, Agriculture, and Culture as well as the parliament and published thousands of documents. In December, a cyberattack paralyzed much of the country's network of gas stations.
Last week, hacktivist groupUprising till Overthrowtook responsibility for the recent cyberattack on the Khaneh Mellat News Agency, the media arm of the Iranian Parliament.In a statement released by the group, closely affiliated with the Albania-based opposition Mujahideen-e Khalq (MEK) organization, it was disclosed that the attack reached 600 of the the main servers of the parliament, commission servers, main chamber servers, parliament assistant servers, parliament bank server, and other servers related to administrative functions.
Cybersecurity specialist Amin Sabeti claims Iran will continue facing increasing cyberattacks due to “structural defects” in their cyber defense systems. He claimed that many projects aimed at developing what the regime terms “domestic services” have failed due to their reliance on corrupt connections and nepotism rather than meritocracy and expertise.
It has led to domestic criticism in the face of the regime's weakness. Shahriar Heydari, deputy chairman of the National Security and Foreign Policy Commission of the Iranian parliament, stated that the National Organization for Passive Defense and the Intelligence Ministry should be held accountable for the recent cyberattacks.“Cyberspace is a war of information. Every country needs to secure its systems against hacking and data theft,” Heydari said.