A prominent conservative commentator in Iran says that Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei's implicit remark about "making a deal" with the United States signals a shift in approach as Tehran faces growing challenges.
Known as Dahe-ye Fajr (“Ten Days of Dawn”), this period is officially commemorated annually with various ceremonies. Due to differences between the Iranian and Western calendars, this period can begin on January 31 or February 1 and end on February 10 or 11.
For supporters of the Islamic Republic, Fajr (“Dawn”) symbolizes the "new era" in Iran’s history marked by the fall of the monarchy and the establishment of an Islamic governance.
Q: What are the key ceremonies during Dahe-ye Fajr?
On the first day of the ten-day "Dawn" period, a ceremony takes place at Khomeini’s mausoleum in southern Tehran, commemorating his return to Iran after 14 years in exile, the majority of which he spent in Iraq.
On the final day, state-sponsored rallies take place nationwide to mark the Islamic Revolution's victory. The president addresses participants at Azadi Square (“Freedom Square”) in Tehran, and the day is observed as a public holiday.
Q: How does the state’s media cover the events?
State-run television channels extensively cover all the ceremonies of Dahe-ye Fajr, particularly the Revolution Day rallies. These broadcasts often feature large crowds, which Iranian state officials claim reflect widespread support for the Islamic Republic and its Supreme Leader.
Q: What criticisms have been raised about the media coverage of these events?
Individual critics and opposition groups argue that participation in these rallies has significantly declined in recent years.
They also say that state authorities use incentives like gifts, paid leave, or implicit threats to compel attendance – particularly among civil servants, soldiers, students, and workers.
Q: How did the monarchy fall in 1979?
Months of massive protests forced King Mohammad-Reza Pahlavi, the Shah of Iran, to leave the country with his family on January 16, 1979.
He entrusted a Regency Council and opposition Prime Minister Shapour Bakhtiar to manage the country in his absence.
Khomeini had vowed to return to Iran. Bakhtiar initially attempted to block his return by closing Iran's airports.
However, widespread protests, led by both Islamists and leftist groups, compelled him to reopen them.
Q: What happened when Khomeini returned to Iran?
On February 1, Khomeini arrived in Tehran on a chartered Air France plane, accompanied by opposition figures who had supported him during his exile.
Upon arrival, millions of Iranians flooded the streets to welcome the 76-year-old cleric.
Khomeini traveled directly to Behesht-e Zahra, Tehran’s largest cemetery, to honor the “martyrs of the Revolution.”
In a fiery speech, he declared the Shah-appointed Bakhtiar government "illegal" and announced his intention to establish a new administration.
“I will appoint a government. I will slap this government on the mouth. I will establish a government with the support of the nation because the nation has accepted me,” Khomeini proclaimed.
Q: What did Khomeini do after his return to Iran?
A few days after that speech, Khomeini appointed Mehdi Bazargan, a moderate Islamist scholar and politician, as prime minister.
By February 11, revolutionary forces had seized control of all government institutions. The state broadcaster officially announced the monarchy's collapse the same day.
Q: What happened to Khomeini’s closest aides after his return?
Ironically, many of Khomeini’s close aides from his time in exile were later accused of treason or marginalized – and ultimately faced tragic fates.
Sadegh Ghotbzadeh, who served as foreign minister between November 1979 and August 1980, was accused of plotting to assassinate Khomeini and of attempting a coup to topple the newly established Islamic Republic in April 1982. He was executed by firing squad in September of the same year.
Another aide, Hassan Banisadr, who was elected as the Islamic Republic’s first president (from February 1980 to June 1981), was impeached and deposed by Parliament, allegedly for opposing the clerics in power. He went into hiding and later escaped to France, where he lived until his death in Paris in 2021.
In the now-infamous photos of Khomeini descending the stairs from the Air France plane upon his return to Tehran, state-run news outlets have edited out several of his aides who were by his side.
Today, the only individual still visible next to Khomeini in the official photos is the airliner’s pilot, holding his hand.
However, Mohammad Mohajeri, the former editor of the hardline daily Kayhan, also noted that Khamenei's remark is likely to provoke backlash from hardliners and those cautious about a potential rapprochement with Washington.
In an interview with the Jamaran News website, which is linked to former President Mohammad Khatami of the reformist faction, Mohajeri noted that Khamenei's use of the term "making a deal" suggests the possibility of an agreement. He argued that this could signal support for President Masoud Pezeshkian's efforts to push for sanctions relief.
"It won’t be easy and will take time," Mohajeri added. "Nonetheless, the statement could mark the beginning of a new strategy."
According to Jamaran, Mohajeri was referring to a sentence in Khamenei's latest speech on January 28 this year, in which he said: "Behind the smiles of diplomacy, there are always hidden and malicious enmities and resentments. We must open our eyes and be careful with whom we are dealing, trading, and talking."
“When a person knows his opponent, he may make a deal, but he knows what to do," Khamenei added.
Khamenei made these remarks while sitting beside President Masoud Pezeshkian, who has publicly expressed Tehran's openness to talks. The media widely interpreted the Supreme Leader's statements as a "green light for negotiations."
Asked if Khamenei's statement indicated a green light for starting the talks, Mohajeri said: "I do not like that expression. However, I believe this highlighted a new strategy." He added, "It was interesting that while the hardliners expected Khamenei to endorse their views, he did not express any opposition to negotiations though he warned officials to be wary of the enemy's deceit."
Mohajeri said Khamenei’s remarks angered hardliners, who may remain silent for now but will soon find another pretext to attack the government. "Before long, you’ll see them lashing out over other issues," he said, adding that they may also target negotiators, including Foreign Minister Abbas Araghchi, who is set to lead the talks.
In recent weeks, former Foreign Minister and current aide to President Pezeshkian, Javad Zarif, has come under increasing attack, with hardliners accusing him of proposing negotiations with the Trump administration.
Zarif, however, denied the claim, telling Jamaran News, "We did not make any proposal. We simply responded to their suggestion for interaction."
While reformist-aligned media have strongly defended Zarif, some analysts in Tehran suggest that his position within the government is not particularly strong.
Some conservative figures in Iran, including former state TV chief and Tourism Minister Ezzatollah Zarghami, have also weighed in on recent calls for talks with the US.
While Zarghami had told Iranian media that such proposals had created a "bipolar situation" in the country, he wrote in an X post after Khamenei's remarks that "the Leader’s clever measure put an end to the bipolar situation between supporters and opponents of negotiations with the United States."
