Iran selects 'In the Arms of the Tree' as 2025 Oscars submission amid divide
A scene from Iran's pick for Academy Awards 2025, "In the Arms of the Tree"
"In the Arms of the Tree" has been selected as Iran’s official submission for the 2025 Academy Awards, as the industry grapples with polarization between state-approved productions and an emerging underground movement defying hijab regulations.
Reza Seraj, the IRGC-Intelligence Organization's former foreign intelligence chief who played a critical role in Iran’s overseas assassination plots for many years, died on September 21 after undergoing surgery for a brain tumor.
His death followed reports on September 2 about his deteriorating health, though IRGC-affiliated Fars website had initially denied the severity of his condition.
A longtime member of Iran's security apparatus, Seraj was designated by the US Treasury Department last year for his role in overseas assassination plots and human rights abuses in Iran.
He had earlier served as the head of the Special IRGC Intelligence Directorate, also known as Unit 4000, before being removed after a plot to assassinate an Israeli in Cyprus was uncovered. Following his removal, Javad Ghaffari, a figure expelled from Syria, took over the leadership of this unit.
In the last years of his life, the IRGC brigadier general held the position of spokesperson and deputy for communications at the Supreme National Security Council. However, Seraj came to be recognized for his human rights violations.
Starting his career in the 1990s, Seraj rose through the ranks as a senior interrogator within the IRGC Intelligence. Operating under the alias "Alavi," he became known as “the chief interrogator for many political and student activists, extracting forced confessions through pressure and torture.”
His actions during this period left a mark on the lives of many activists, including Ali Afshari, a political figure who in an interview with Iran International identified Seraj as the lead interrogator during his 2000 arrest.
Ahmad Batebi, a journalist at VOA Farsi also wrote on X: “This accursed individual was one of those who played a significant role in torturing me during interrogation and applying psychological pressure to force a false confession in front of state TV cameras. He also tortured many students and political activists to fit them into the absurd scenarios created by the security agencies.”
Seraj was also appointed head of the Student Basij and later appeared as an "analyst and academic" regularly featured in state-controlled media. As the head of the Student Basij, he was actively involved in suppressing students during the 2009 protests, according to Dadgostar, a site documenting human rights violators in Iran.
Saeed Haddadian, Ali Khamenei's favorite eulogizer, and Reza Seraj at a ceremony honoring Qasem Soleimani in 2017.
Throughout his career, Seraj held various roles within the IRGC, including the political deputy of Sarallah Headquarters in Tehran, deputy head of the IRGC Intelligence Organization, and head of the Prophet Muhammad faculty and Imam Hossein University.
In addition to his political and security roles, Seraj was also involved in the interrogation and torture of Fahimeh Dorri Nogourani, the wife of Saeed Emami, a former Deputy Minister of Intelligence.
Seraj was also one of the commanders responsible for the attack on political prisoners in Ward 350 of Evin Prison on April 17, 2014, an incident that came to be known as the Black Thursday of Evin.
In the aftermath of the attack, political prisoner Gholamreza Khosravi Savadjani reported that Seraj had personally escalated his sentence from three years in prison to execution. Khosravi was hanged less than two months later, on June 1, 2014, in Rajai-Shahr Prison.
Hossein Salami, IRGC Commander-in-Chief, praised Seraj in a statement on Saturday, calling him "effective" in confronting what he described as the "sedition movement," a reference to anti-government protests. Salami said, “Seraj played a significant role in confronting sedition … and raising awareness in dealing with various deviations that threatened the Islamic Revolution.”
Despite Iranian President Masoud Pezeshkian’s campaign promises to revive the 2015 nuclear deal, Germany has confirmed that Iran has not formally requested the resumption of nuclear negotiations.
Pezeshkian had pledged to engage with Western powers to restore the agreement and lift the crippling sanctions imposed after the US withdrawal from the deal in 2018.
In a statement to Iran International, a German Federal Foreign Office spokesperson said, “The Islamic Republic of Iran has not formally requested the German government to resume JCPOA negotiations.”
On September 15, Iran’s Foreign Minister Abbas Araghchi announced in an interviewthat Iran will move forward with talks with European nations without waiting for the United States to initiate negotiations. “It is true that some parts of the JCPOA are no longer beneficial for us and some aspects are obsolete, but I believe it remains a framework that can lead to an agreement,” Araghchi added.
Despite these statements indicating a possible willingness to engage, the German government remains cautious, stressing the need for concrete actions from Tehran to address international concerns over its nuclear program.
"We have carefully listened to Iran’s recent announcements and have always stated that Germany remains committed to diplomacy to address the serious international concerns about Iran’s nuclear program."
Germany emphasized that future diplomatic efforts must take into account Iran’s recent nuclear advancements, which have escalated over the past few years. "It is up to Iran to demonstrate by its behavior, in particular by exercising restraint and ending the current escalation, that the stated readiness for a diplomatic solution is genuine and there is real political will to resolve outstanding questions," the spokesperson said.
"Iran’s non-compliance for several years has hollowed out the JCPOA," the German spokesperson continued. They further noted that any new diplomatic effort will need to address the "massive expansion of Iran’s nuclear activities."
Earlier this month, US Ambassador Laura S.H. Holgatetold the IAEA Board of Governors that “Iran continues to move further in the wrong direction. Iran continues to expand its nuclear program, to install additional advanced centrifuge cascades, and to produce highly enriched uranium for which it has no credible peaceful purpose.”
Moreover, according to a recent report by the Institute for Science and International Security (ISIS) Iran has increased its activities at two nuclear sites that were key to its early nuclear weapons program two decades ago.
Reviving the JCPOA also requires the green light from Iran’s Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei, who holds the utmost power in the country. However, in July this year, Khamenei defended a 2020 parliamentary bill that accelerated Iran’s nuclear program in response to foreign pressure. This legislation played a significant role in obstructing efforts to restore the JCPOA, signaling Khamenei’s reluctance to compromise despite international diplomatic efforts, adding another layer of complexity to the potential revival of the nuclear deal.
Iran did not include mobile launchers with the close-range ballistic missiles that Washington last week accused Tehran of delivering to Russia for use against Ukraine, Reuters reported on Saturday citing three sources with knowledge of the matter.
The sources - a European diplomat, a European intelligence official and a U.S. official - said it was not clear why Iran did not supply launchers with the Fath-360 missiles, raising questions about when and if the weapons will be operational.
The U.S. official, who like the other sources spoke on condition of anonymity, said Iran had not delivered the launchers at the time of the U.S. announcement about Iran's delivery of the weapons. The European intelligence official said without elaborating that they did not expect Iran to provide launchers.
Two experts told Reuters there could be several reasons why the launchers were not sent. One is that Russia may plan to modify trucks to carry the missiles, as Iran has done. Another is that by withholding the launchers, Iran is allowing space for new talks with Western powers on easing tensions.
The Russian defense ministry declined to comment.
The U.S. National Security Council did not immediately respond to a request for comment and the Pentagon declined to comment.
Iran’s mission to the United Nations did not immediately respond to a request for comment.
Tehran denies providing Moscow with the missiles or with thousands of drones that Kyiv and Western officials have said Russia uses against military targets and to destroy civilian infrastructure, including Ukraine’s electrical grid.
U.S. Secretary of State Antony Blinken said on Sept. 10 that Iran had delivered the Fath-360s to Russia and would “likely use them within weeks in Ukraine.”
The missile would pose an additional challenge for Ukraine, which is constantly adapting its air defenses to innovations by Russian forces. Iran's semi-official Fars news agency says the missile travels at four times the speed of sound when approaching targets.
Blinken said the missiles threatened European security and would be fired against short-range targets, allowing Russia to reserve more of its extensive arsenal for targets beyond the front lines. The Fath-360 has a range of up to 75 miles (121 km).
The United States, Germany, Britain and France imposed new sanctions on Iran, and the EU said the bloc was considering fresh measures targeting Iran's aviation sector.
The Kremlin at that time declined to confirm its receipt of the missiles but acknowledged that its cooperation with Iran included “the most sensitive areas.”
Blinken did not say how many Fath-360s Iran supplied to Russia or when they were sent.
Reuters determined through shipping data that a Russian freighter sanctioned by Washington, the Port Olya-3, made voyages between Iran’s Caspian Sea port of Amirabad and the Russian port of Olya several times between May and Sept. 12.
Fabian Hinz, an expert on Iranian missiles with the International Institute for Strategic Studies, said he could not confirm that Tehran withheld the launchers.
Ballistic missiles require specifically designed launchers in order to be fired.
According to Hinz, one reason Iran didn't send launchers may be that the civilian trucks that Iran modified to launch these and other missiles are not robust enough to operate in rough terrain during Ukraine's harsh winter. Iran modifies trucks made by Mercedes and other companies and turns them into easily disguised missile launchers, he said.
That suggests, he continued, that Russia could modify its own military-grade vehicles.
"A commercial, off-the-shelf Mercedes truck is just not that off-road capable," he said
David Albright, a former U.N. nuclear inspector who heads the Institute for Science and International Security, also could not say whether Iran delivered the launchers.
But he noted that Iran’s new president, Masoud Pezeshkian, and other Iranian officials will be meeting with European officials on the sidelines of next week’s U.N. General Assembly in New York to test the potential for diplomacy on Tehran’s nuclear program, regional tensions and other disputes.
“It could be that they (Iran) are holding back the launchers to provide a little space for these talks,” he said. “One can imagine that if there are Iranian missiles raining down (on Ukraine) there would be condemnation at the General Assembly.”
But he was skeptical of any progress, saying he doubted Iran would make the necessary compromises.
In the wake of the "Woman, Life, Freedom" uprising's anniversary, grieving families across Iran, in the face of heightened security, have gathered in cities nationwide, quietly holding private memorials to honor their lost loved ones.
Since 2022, hundreds of Iranian families have marked the beginning of fall by grieving the loss of their loved ones, who were killed during nationwide anti-state protests.
Each day has become a solemn anniversary of a protester’s death, as the uprising against the state continues to resonate deeply among Iranian society.
These families have remained in mourning, affected by the regime's brutal crackdown on protesters that followed the killing of 22-year-old Mahsa Jina Amini while in the custody of the so-called morality police on September 13, two years ago.
Amini was detained by agents for allegedly violating state-imposed Islamic hijab regulations. Her family has consistently asserted that the head injuries she sustained while in custody led to her death three days later at Kasra Hospital in Tehran. The UN has since held the Iranian state responsible for her death.
On Friday, her father, Amjad Amini, posted a message on Instagram to commemorate his daughter's birthday, which also falls in September. He wrote: "My beautiful, innocent, and dear daughter, my beloved Jina, Mahsa of Iran—today marks the blessed anniversary of your blooming."
Amini expressed his enduring sorrow, writing: “Even after two years, we continue to carry the weight of that bitter day, finding solace only in the fact that your beautiful name is still spoken with grace and purity. Your memory remains forever etched in our hearts and in the hearts of those who love you.”
Human rights organizations estimate that throughout the months-long nationwide protests, at least 551 protesters, including 68 children and 49 women, were killed at the hands of state security forces.
This year, while some families have held memorials in private settings, others have observed the occasion in different ways, as public mourning remains restricted by authorities. For example, the Al-Jawad cemetery in Nowshahr, where several victims of the movement are buried, was sealed off with chains, and public access was restricted starting on Thursday.
A table is adorned with photos of victims from the 2022 'Woman, Life, Freedom' movement during a memorial ceremony on September 19, 2024.
As the second anniversary of Nika Shakarami's death, one of the teenage protesters killed amid the anti-state protests, approached on Friday, her family reported that authorities had blocked the routes leading to the cemetery where she was buried, preventing them from visiting her grave.
On Friday, Nobel Peace Prize laureate Shirin Ebadi marked the second anniversary of Shakarami's murder with a statement on Instagram.
"The killing of 16-year-old Nika Shakarami, like the murder of hundreds of other young people and children, is a stark example of the Islamic Republic's crimes against humanity," Ebadi wrote.
The lawyer and former judge further remarked, "The government is attempting to render the pursuit of justice meaningless."
Leila Mahdavi, the mother of 16-year-old Siavash Mahmoudi, who was killed during the protests, marked the second anniversary of her son's death on Thursday by sharing images from a memorial ceremony held in his honor, seemingly in a private venue, on Instagram, where she firmly stated: "Your killers will face the consequences for what they have done."
Hasti Khazaei, sister of Erfan Khazaei, another victim of the uprising, shared a video on Instagram from a memorial event marking the second anniversary of her brother’s passing.
Accompanying the video, she wrote: “In the name of joy that was taken from us, stolen, denied, killed, and buried. In the name of the wedding attire you never wore, whose absence lingers in our hearts forever. In the name of the love that radiated within you, my dear brother. In the name of your sweet life that was cut short.”
As the anniversary of those killed during the uprising approached, the Islamic Republic has, over the past month, escalated its pressure on grieving families across Iran.
A renewed wave of repression, aimed at civil and political activists as well as the families of the victims, began in September. During this time, dozens of citizens have been arrested, summoned, or subjected to interrogation by security forces.
Amid heightened Israeli pressure on Hezbollah, Iran’s key proxy in the region, Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei adopted a notably measured tone in his Saturday speech, emphasizing the importance of soft power.
Gone was the usual fiery rhetoric or direct threats; instead, Khamenei highlighted the importance of cultural influence, diplomacy, and ideological strength, signaling a more subtle shift in Iran's regional strategy amid ongoing tensions. Despite this measured approach, he still condemned Israel, accusing it of committing "shameless crimes."
The violence in Lebanon has escalated quickly, beginning with explosions on Tuesday and continuing into Wednesday. The attacks, which involved detonating pagers and walkie-talkies, are widely believed to have been orchestrated by Israel. The blasts killed scores of Hezbollah members and injured more than 3,000. On Friday, Hezbollah confirmed that senior commanders Ibrahim Aqil and Ahmed Wahbi were killed in an air strike on a residential building in the Hezbollah-controlled southern suburbs, which left 31 dead, including around 20 top commanders.
During his speech at the 38th Islamic Unity Conference, where the theme of unity was front and center, Supreme Leader Khamenei struck a tone of quiet frustration. He reiterated his long-standing vision: "With the formation of an Islamic Ummah, Muslims can, through their internal strength, remove the malignant cancer of the Zionist regime from Palestine and eliminate the oppressive influence, domination, and interference of the United States in the region." Yet, in the same breath, Khamenei acknowledged the challenge, admitting that "governments don't have the motivation" for unity, signaling his growing frustration with his lack of influence on many Arab governments.
"Islamic countries should completely sever their economic ties with this criminal gang. This is the least they can do, and it must be done," Khamenei said.
His remark underscored not only frustration but also Iran's growing isolation in the region. Despite repeated calls for cooperation from both Khamenei and President Masoud Pezeshkian, their appeals seem to be falling on deaf ears, reverberating in a region where Iran's influence is increasingly sidelined by the very leaders it hopes to rally.
“Politicians, scholars, academics, scientists, influential thinkers, poets, writers, political and social analysts – these are the groups that can have an impact,” Khamenei said, emphasizing soft power.
“Now, imagine if for ten years, all the media outlets in the Muslim world consistently focused on the unity of Muslims, with articles being written, poets composing poems, analysts providing insights, professors explaining, and religious scholars issuing rulings. Without a doubt, over the course of those ten years, the situation would change drastically,” he added. “Once the nations awaken, governments will be forced to act accordingly.”
This isn’t the first time Khamenei has dialed down the rhetoric in recent months. Recently, he spoke of a "tactical retreat" as Iran continues to hold off on the revenge once promised by IRGC leaders after the killing of Ismail Haniyeh in Tehran last July. Even in a speech on August 25, Khamenei shifted the tone, remarking, that the battle against the camp of the enemies (Israel and the US), doesn’t always have to be fought with guns. "One can also fight them with poetry and verse." It seems, for now, the weapons of choice may be words rather than warfare.
With the country grappling with a mounting financial and economic crisis, Tehran’s restrained approach persists, even as Israeli pressure ramps up. Instead of saber-rattling, Iran appears to be banking on patience while contemplating a breakthrough to reduce US sanctions, while not relinquishing its anti-Israeli foreign policy in the region.
The decision was announced by the Farabi Cinema Foundation, which revealed that the film, directed by Babak Khajeh Pasha, had been chosen after a 10-day deliberation process by a nine-member selection committee.
According to official government news website IRNA, the selection committee, tasked with reviewing eligible films for the Oscars, voted in favor of "In the Arms of the Tree" over two other finalists. The nine-member panel included figures in Iranian cinema, such as Narges Abyar, Shabnam Moghaddami, Fereydoun Jeyrani, Ali Dehkordi, and others.
"In the Arms of the Tree" tells the story of Kimia and Farid, a couple married for twelve years, whose life crisis shatters their children’s world. The main roles in this Iranian drama are played by Maral Baniadam, Javad Ghamati, and Rouhollah Zamani.
The submission follows a process overseen by the Farabi Cinema Foundation, which operates under the auspices of the Ministry of Culture. The Foundation is responsible for ensuring that the chosen film complies with the guidelines imposed by the government, including adherence to censorship laws and the mandatory hijab requirement for actresses. These regulations have long governed the selection process for Iran’s official Academy Award submissions.
While "In the Arms of the Tree" will represent Iran at the Oscars, a parallel trend within the country's film industry has gained momentum in recent years, particularly following the nationwide Women, Life, Freedom protests. The protests, which began in 2022 after the death of Mahsa Amini, have sparked a new wave of dissent within various cultural and artistic spheres, including cinema.
Iranian filmmakers, many of whom operate outside the official framework, have turned to producing films that violate the Islamic Republic's censorship laws, particularly its restrictions on the portrayal of women and political dissent. These films, while barred from official submission to the Oscars, have found success at other international film festivals and in global cinema markets, highlighting the growing divide between state-approved and underground cinema in Iran.
include "Critical Zone" by Ali Ahmadzadeh, which presents a raw and unfiltered depiction of contemporary life in Tehran. The film, which focuses on a drug dealer's interactions with marginalized individuals, was produced without government approval and violates mandatory hijab rules. Despite this, it won the Best Film Award at the Locarno Film Festival in 2023.
Some of the most notable examples
Similarly, "Terrestrial Verses", directed by Ali Asgari and Alireza Khatami, offers a direct critique of the societal pressures faced by Iranian citizens. The episodic film premiered at the 2023 Cannes Film Festival and has since gained a wide audience in Europe, with over 100,000 viewers in France alone and total sales nearing $900,000.
Esmail Mehrabi and Leili Farhadpour in a scene from the film "My Favorite Cake."
Iran’s underground filmmakers have increasingly used cinema as a tool for resistance against government cultural restrictions. Many of these films explicitly challenge the censorship laws that govern official submissions, focusing on themes of repression, personal freedom, and social dissent.
For instance, Navid Mihan-Doost’s "Café" portrays the life of a filmmaker who is banned from working by the authorities. Shot while Mihan-Doost was on temporary leave from prison, the film provides a look at the challenges faced by critical artists in Iran. Café has been screened at various international festivals despite its director being under surveillance, and its portrayal of state censorship has drawn international acclaim.
Films such as "Dark Matter" by Karim Lakzadeh and "My Favorite Cake" by Maryam Moghaddam and Behtash Sanaeiha have further pushed the boundaries of Iran’s underground cinema.
"Dark Matter" tells the story of a young woman’s decision to remove her hijab during a film shoot, symbolizing the growing youth culture of defiance against government-imposed restrictions. Meanwhile, "My Favorite Cake," which focuses on a woman seeking to break free from the constraints of her monotonous life, gained international attention for its success at the 2023 Berlin Film Festival despite violating the country’s hijab laws.