A burnt computer stands on the floor of Iran's state broadcaster (IRIB) after an Israeli airstrike
A month after Israeli strikes exposed deep infiltration of Iran’s security apparatus, the debate dominates headlines almost daily—yet no meaningful investigation has been launched, and no serious action appears underway.
Revolutionary Guards-affiliated Fars News has blamed foreign-based betting websites and other digital platforms for leaking information that allegedly enabled Israel to assassinate more than 30 senior IRGC commanders.
Officials have also accused Afghan refugees of acting as Israeli agents, deporting over a million in what UN officials describe as one of the largest expulsions in recent memory.
But many insiders are now challenging these deflections with growing force.
“When we talk about infiltration, we shouldn’t just look for people who look different from us,” former foreign minister Mohammad Javad Zarif said in an interview with the state-run IRNA.
“We should ask: who is echoing Israel’s narrative? Who is pushing that policy? Who is trying to divide the people?”
“Not just a spy, but an organization”
Dozens of people have been arrested as alleged operatives behind assassinations and drone attacks since the strikes began on June 13.
Several have been executed after summary trials, and more remain on death row, according to Iran’s intelligence minister.
Zarif warned that infiltration has evolved beyond isolated actors.
“We’re now facing not just a spy, but an organization—an organization with personnel, ideas, and psychological influence,” he said.“We need to understand where this infiltration comes from. What allowed them to locate and strike our commanders—not just once, but again and again?”
On social media, blame has increasingly turned inward—particularly toward surviving Revolutionary Guards commanders.
Users have questioned whether high-ranking officers, including Quds Force leader Esmail Qa’ani and former national security chief Ali Shamkhani, betrayed the locations of fellow commanders.
Accusations of treason have spread with growing boldness, fueled by the absence of transparent explanations. Bizarre theories—such as officials suggesting Israel summoned supernatural beings—have satisfied no one.
“Who has access to secrets?”
“The authority responsible for identifying espionage is crucial,” Saeed Hajjarian, one of the architects of Iran’s Ministry of Intelligence, told the moderate daily Ham-Mihan.
“Counterintelligence is a specialized field, and I still don’t understand why it has been divided between two intelligence agencies.”
Hajjarian criticized the superficial handling of the issue and the growing tendency to scapegoat.
“Right now, people are being branded as infiltrators far too casually,” he warned.
“A real infiltrator stays quiet when needed and speaks up when it counts ... Those who change ideology overnight, convert dramatically or shift allegiances shouldn’t be trusted.”
Even some establishment figures have pushed back on the official narrative.
“This problem predates the war—it just became more visible because of it,” hardline cleric Seyyed Reza Akrami, a five-term parliamentarian, told Arman Melli.
“We must identify which of the country’s senior managers are truly committed to national progress—and which have placed personal gain above the nation’s interests.”
Echoing widespread online sentiment, Akrami posed a blunt question: “Did Afghan refugees have access to classified intelligence? Absolutely not. Were they involved in policymaking? Again, no.”
The curious case of Catherine Perez-Shakdam, a French-born Jewish woman who years ago met senior Iranian officials posing a sympathizer, has been revived in Tehran following a punishing war with Israel.
Iran is smarting from intelligence lapses in the 12-day war which allowed its arch-foe to assassinate top military figures and wreak havoc on bases and nuclear sites.
Hundreds of civilians were killed in the shock campaign last month.
The scale of the setback has sent bewildered officialdom searching for answers, and one Iranian lawmaker cited Shakdam's presence as a case study in infiltration.
Presenting herself as a Muslim convert and writer critical of Israel and the United States, Shakdam interviewed senior Iranian officials as a freelance journalist and attended various state-backed conferences on multiple visits up until 2017.
Iranian MP Mostafa Kavakebian said in a state TV interview last week that Shakdam was an Israeli spy who had slept with 120 senior officials, citing no evidence.
Speaking to Iran International, Shakdam was blunt about the remarks: “Not true, not possible, and completely absurd."
"They’re trying to destroy my character. I’ve got news for them — I do not give a shit. And you can quote me on this.”
Catherine Perez-Shakdam, a French woman of Jewish heritage, interviews future Iranian President Ebrahim Raisi in Mashad in May 2017 (Screenshot: Russia Today)
Kavakebian's allegation drew fire online, where critics cited it as an example of poor logic, and even Iranian legal authorities who appeared eager to swiftly scotch discussion of the country's security failures.
Tehran’s prosecutor filed charges against Kavakebian for “disturbing public opinion,” calling the claims “unsupported" and summoned him to provide evidence.
State media outlet the West Asia News Agency (WANA), said the state had found no sign of espionage in Shakdam's case.
"Iran’s security and judicial bodies have explicitly stated that no documents or reports exist indicating immoral behavior, suspicious connections or illegal activities by Shakdam during her time in Iran."
Double life
Shakdam now works as a political analyst and spokesperson for an Israeli advocacy group We Believe In Israel.
She first drew the attention of Iranian authorities after publishing an opinion piece in the English-language Yemen Observer newspaper criticizing US intervention in Iraq. In 2009, she had moved to Yemen after marrying a Yemeni man.
The couple had two children before later divorcing. Her writings and public commentary eventually led to an invitation to appear on Iranian state TV as a Western voice critical of US foreign policy — a platform that opened the door to extraordinary access within Iran’s political elite.
From right to left: Catherine Perez-Shakdam, Zaynab Mughniyeh, and Zaynab Soleimani (General’s Soleimani’s daughter)- Karbala, Iraq 2017
That access, she says, revealed a system obsessed with propaganda and deeply rooted anti-Semitism.
“If you want to call me a master spy — yes, of my own agency, okay?” she told Iran International. “I went there on my own two feet. No one asked me to do anything.”
Her mission, she says, was self-assigned — but it came at a steep personal cost.
“Ten years of hard work, ten years of pretending and playing the game, and ten years of almost losing myself — because you reach a point where you don't know where you begin and the lie ends.”
During her time in Iran, she says she met top figures including Ebrahim Raisi before he became president and later died in a helicopter crash, Revolutionary Guards Quds Force commander Qasem Soleimani and even Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei.
With dark humor, she recalled: “I had a little chat with Soleimani — obviously before he died because I don’t speak to ghosts. Raisi, obviously … Nader Talebzadeh many times. He died too. Not of my doing, okay. I had nothing to do with that.”
She joked that if she were a spy, she must be “00 Fluffy” — her own spin on 007, due to her owning many pet cats.
Warnings
The humiliation of Iran's military losses appears to be playing out in Iran's seemingly permanent power struggle between reformists and hardliners.
WANA characterized MP Kavakebian's TV outburst as an attempt to undermine hardliners who had welcomed Shakdam into their midst after foreign attacks last month failed to deliver the upheaval moderates supposedly seek in Iran.
"The lack of Iranian public support for Israel’s attack—even among those critical of the ruling system and governance quality in Iran—and the refusal to participate in street unrest, went against the expectations of pro-Western reformists inside the country."
"Perhaps the 'Mossad spy' story in Iran is not a bad place to start attacking a rival," WANA added. "Still, it must not be forgotten that the biggest beneficiaries of any internal division in Iran are those sitting in Tel Aviv."
Shakdam believes she was targeted because she is more visible and critical of Iran than ever following the 12-day war. Shakdam says the attack is rooted in the Islamic Republic’s deep-seated sexism and aimed at silencing outspoken women.
But after a decade of deception and backlash, she says she has no regrets.
“I just made a decision to do something with my life. And I did it. And I came out. And I’m proud of it.”
Iranian President Masoud Pezeshkian was forced to complete part of a recent trip to Tabriz by taxi after the fuel in three official vehicles was found to be contaminated with water, leading to a mechanical failure, a senior government official said on Tuesday.
According to Mostafa Molavi, the president’s special inspector, all three vehicles carrying the president and his security convoy stalled near the city of Takestan in Qazvin province after refueling at a roadside gas station.
“The president and his security team set out by car for Tabriz. They refueled at a highway service station near the Rasht exit, and shortly after, all three vehicles broke down before reaching Takestan,” Moulavi said during a visit to Qazvin’s provincial headquarters earlier this week.
“Our investigation showed the station was distributing low-quality fuel mixed with water. It had a history of such violations,” he said.
Moulavi said the president chose not to involve local authorities and instead arranged a private taxi to complete his journey to Tabriz.“The president did not call the provincial governor’s office or request assistance. He simply took a taxi."
The National Iranian Oil Products Distribution Company (NIOPDC) confirmed that the gas station in question had previous complaints filed against it for fuel quality issues. However, no explanation was provided as to why the facility remained operational despite a history of infractions.
“This particular gas station had previous reports of similar problems,” Moulavi said.
Neither the president’s office nor the Ministry of Petroleum has commented publicly on the incident.
Fuel quality concerns
Fuel adulteration is a recurring issue in Iran, where motorists frequently complain of watered-down gasoline or manipulation of pump meters.
Videos circulated in recent years appear to show mismatches between fuel dispensed and prices charged, fueling widespread public distrust. Energy officials deny systemic shortcomings.
Former Oil Minister Bijan Zanganeh said in 2021 that up to 400 gas station operators each year faced legal action for offenses such as short-changing customers or mixing fuel types improperly.
However, industry insiders and watchdog reports point to broader issues, including the use of unauthorized chemical additives, underdeveloped refineries, and inconsistently enforced regulations.
According to a confidential oil ministry report obtained by Iran International in June, a growing mismatch between fuel production and demand, with the country relying on imports and petrochemical-derived gasoline to cover shortfalls.
Documents reviewed by Iran Open Data (IOD) show that Iran produced an average of 101 million liters of base gasoline per day in 2024, but raised the figure to 121 million liters by adding over 20 million liters of petrochemical additives—including the controversial methyl tert-butyl ether (MTBE), which is banned in many countries due to its toxicity.
MTBE is still used at Iran’s major refineries to boost octane ratings despite its environmental risks. Meanwhile, 80% of Iranian gasoline reportedly fails to meet international Euro-4 or Euro-5 standards.
Iran maintains one of the world’s lowest retail fuel prices thanks to heavy subsidies, but sanctions and aging infrastructure have made it increasingly difficult to sustain fuel quality and supply.
Tehran’s commentariat is sounding the alarm over the economic toll of renewed United Nations sanctions that European powers say they could trigger against Iran by the end of August.
The sanctions were lifted as part of a nuclear deal in 2015, which effectively unraveled in 2018 when the United States, under President Donald Trump, withdrew from it.
French Foreign Minister Jean-Noël Barrot announced on Tuesday that the E3 (France, Britain, and Germany) would trigger the so-called snapback mechanism built into that deal unless tangible progress is made on a new nuclear agreement.
“If the snapback mechanism is activated and the suspended resolutions reimposed, all UN member states—including China and Russia—will be obligated to cooperate in enforcing sanctions against Iran, and cannot opt out of compliance,” Jahan-e Sanat, Iran’s leading economic daily, warned in an editorial quoting international relations expert Ali Bigdeli.
Escalation and uncertainty
Such warnings are dismissed as signs of weakness by more hardline voices in Iran—who are instead ramping up combative rhetoric.
IRGC-affiliated Tasnim News on Tuesday warned that Iran could raise uranium enrichment from 60% to 90%, and may use its enriched uranium stockpile for what it called “non-prohibited military purposes.”
The report, widely circulated across Iranian media, was quietly removed within hours.
Foreign Ministry spokesman Esmaeil Baqaei had said a day earlier that Tehran’s response to a potential snapback would be “proportionate,” leaving the audience to guess the specifics.
Former lawmaker Heshmatollah Falahatpisheh accused Iranian diplomats of lacking expertise and slammed hardliners for propagating what he called false narratives.
“President Pezeshkian must end his passiveness in foreign policy and rescue national interests from the grip of radicals,” he wrote in the moderate daily Arman Melli, harshly criticizing the original 2015 nuclear agreement and those who signed it.
The big “if”
Prominent reformist daily Sharq quoted analyst Mohammad Irani warning of a “political earthquake” and the effective closing of the door on diplomacy.
As Europe seeks to redefine its role—after a period of watching from the sidelines—a snapback of UN sanctions would foreclose the possibility of a Tehran-Washington agreement, Irani warned.
As commentary deepens, some voices are drawing attention to the fragile assumptions behind Iran’s current posture—and the risks of miscalculation.
“The snapback poses one of Iran’s most serious challenges—politically and economically," analyst Mehdi Pazouki wrote in Arman Melli, adding that the troubled waters could be navigated if Tehran turns to “realistic and proactive diplomacy."
That “if” looms large, Pazouki warned, given the growing absence of realism in Tehran’s foreign policy.
Iran is negotiating with four neighboring countries to import water, Energy Minister Abbas Aliabadi said Tuesday, warning that critical reservoirs could run dry within weeks.
“We are in talks with Turkmenistan, Afghanistan, Tajikistan and Uzbekistan,” Aliabadi said, adding that five years of drought have left Iran with a 44 percent deficit in rainfall compared to long-term averages.
“There is no water now—we must use it slowly to make it last,” he said. “If your income is low, you spend more cautiously; it’s the same with water.”
The Islamic Republic has long been criticized for its inability to manage drought and water scarcity, and the current crisis is affecting much of the country, including Tehran, Khorasan, Markazi, Hormozgan, and Sistan and Baluchestan provinces.
Aliabadi warned that the capital’s Mamloo Dam may be lost within a month, and conditions at Latian and Karaj dams were also deteriorating. He cited a 30 to 40 percent drop in rainfall and dam reserves across the country.
“We must find different ways to control consumption,” he said.
Meanwhile, residents in Tehran report receiving exorbitant water bills. The CEO of the Tehran Water and Wastewater Company, Mohsen Ardakani, urged households to prepare storage tanks and pumps, saying disruptions may occur in coming days.
“With limited resources, we have no choice but to manage supply,” Ardakani said. “Water will only reach the first and second floors of buildings.”
Behzad Parsa, who heads the Tehran regional water authority, said this year marked the fifth consecutive year of low precipitation in the province. “Rainfall this year has been unprecedentedly low in the past 60 years,” he added.
Recent fires and explosions across Iran have captured widespread attention and many remain skeptical of official explanations attributing them to routine accidents, especially gas leaks.
Since a June 24 ceasefire ending a punishing war with Israel, a string of blasts and fires has struck residential buildings, airports, and sites described as commercial warehouses in cities including Tehran, Karaj, Qom, Mashhad and Tabriz.
In every case, government officials and state media have rushed to downplay the events, describing them as isolated incidents caused by routine factors.
Israeli air strikes and drone attacks during the 12-day war killed hundreds of Iranian military personnel and nuclear scientists, along with with hundreds of civilians.
The most recent explosion occurred at a residential complex in Qom, injuring seven people.
Footage from the scene showed extensive damage to ground- and first-floor apartments as well as nearby vehicles. Authorities attributed the blast to a gas leak.
That same day, additional incidents were reported: explosions and fire near Karaj; a fire at Mashhad Airport; a large blast in a desert area near Semnan; an explosion in Tabriz; and a fire in a commercial building in central Tehran.
No immediate explanations were offered for most. A Civil Aviation Organization official claimed the smoke at Mashhad Airport was due to "planned burning of weeds."
Government blames media panic
Iranian officials insist the incidents are routine and accuse foreign-linked media of spreading fear. Even minor events now trigger public suspicion.
When a car caught fire on a Tehran motorway on Monday, some compared it to Israeli operations targeting Hezbollah vehicles—despite no visible signs of an attack.
Speaking to the IRGC-linked Fars News Agency, an unnamed official accused “anti-Revolutionary media and Zionist-linked accounts” of connecting natural events to war in order to cause panic.
“People should not worry about this type of news fabrication,” he said.
But with each blast, more Iranians appear to be tuning out the official narrative—and asking harder questions.
Public unease and satire
“Every time something blows up, they say it’s a gas leak,” one user posted on X. Others shared footage with sarcastic captions questioning the frequency of incidents and the speed of official responses.
After a July 10 explosion at a residential tower in Tehran’s Chitgar district, an X user named Mehran joked: “Call the Tehran gas company right now and someone picks up saying, ‘Shalom, how can I help you?’”
During the recent 12-day conflict, Israel targeted Iranian military figures and nuclear scientists at their homes.
In prior years, explosions at sensitive sites were later revealed as acts of sabotage—including the 2020 assassination of nuclear official Mohsen Fakhrizadeh with a remote-controlled weapon.
Some Iranian users on social media have been joking that the state may be deliberately turning a blind eye to Israeli involvement—because officially acknowledging it would compel a response and risk dragging the country back into war.
Others see it in darker terms, comparing Iran to Lebanon and its mounting vulnerability.
“It’s gotten to the point where smoke suddenly rises from Vanak (Square) at noon, someone says it was an explosion, someone else says it was nothing. But no one really asks what happened anymore; people are used to it,” wrote a popular user going by the name @NR2OH on X.
“Tehran has become like Beirut: anything can blow up at any moment, but life carries on like nothing happened,” they added.