Salt storms drive migration as Iran’s Lake Urmia turns to dust
A view from Lake Urmia
Expanding salt storms from the dried basin of Lake Urmia in northwestern Iran have forced residents to abandon nearby villages, damaged farmland and raised fears of long-term health risks, Iran’s Labor News Agency reported on Wednesday.
The outlet said years of drought and groundwater depletion have left once-fertile fields barren, destroying local agriculture and livelihoods.
Farmers told ILNA that widespread crop failure has driven them to close their orchards and shops, with some families migrating to nearby towns.
“The salt-laden winds have made breathing painful. People are leaving,” one resident said.
Local officials warned that the storms -- clouds of fine salt lifted from the desiccated lakebed -- are contaminating soil and water and triggering respiratory and even cancer-related illnesses among remaining residents.
In the village of GovarchinGhale, population has dropped from more than 470 families to around 130, mostly elderly people, according to the village council.
ILNA cited environmental experts linking the worsening crisis to decades of overpumping and illegal wells.
Urmia County Governor Rasoul Moghabeli said the number of wells in the lake basin had surged from 7,000 to over 90,000 in recent years, putting dangerous pressure on the groundwater.
Officials from the Urmia Lake Restoration Headquarters denied reports of mass migration, saying the reports were politically motivated, but acknowledged that more than 90% of water consumption in the region goes to agriculture -- much of it for water-intensive crops such as apples and sugar beet.
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They warned that unless irrigation practices are reformed and unauthorized farmland reclaimed, the salt storms could expand across northwestern Iran within a decade, threatening millions of residents.
The report comes as Iran faces a deepening nationwide water emergency with 19 major dams close to depletion.
Australia has introduced legislation that would, for the first time, allow its government to designate foreign state entities -- including Iran’s Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC) -- as terrorist organizations.
Attorney-General Michelle Rowland presented the bill to Parliament, saying it aims to close a major legal gap in Australia’s counterterrorism framework by permitting the listing of state-backed organizations accused of supporting or conducting terrorist acts.
The move follows findings by the Australian Security Intelligence Organization (ASIO) that the IRGC was involved in two anti-Semitic attacks in Sydney and Melbourne in 2024.
Rowland said the new Criminal Code Amendment (State Sponsors of Terrorism) Bill 2025 would strengthen Australia’s ability to respond to “malicious foreign actors” and serve as a warning to any state seeking to threaten the country through violence or coercion.
“This bill strengthens Australia’s counterterrorism framework, creating an environment in which it is more difficult, more risky, and more costly for foreign actors to cause harm,” she told Parliament.
Under the proposed law, the government would gain the power to list foreign state agencies or entities as state sponsors of terrorism if they are found to have directly or indirectly planned, supported, or financed acts of terrorism against Australia.
Once listed, it would become a criminal offence to collaborate with, fund, or provide material assistance to those entities. Limited exemptions would apply for diplomatic or legal obligations.
The legislation introduces new criminal offences, including preparing or participating in state-sponsored terrorist acts and offering material support to listed state actors. Intelligence and law enforcement agencies would also receive expanded powers to investigate and disrupt suspected state-linked terrorism.
A flag flutters above the Embassy of the Islamic Republic of Iran in Canberra, Australia, August 26, 2025.
ASIO findings link IRGC to attacks in Australia
The bill comes after a series of actions by Canberra against Tehran. In August, Prime Minister Anthony Albanese expelled Iranian Ambassador Ahmad Sadeghi following ASIO’s conclusion that the IRGC directed two arson attacks on Jewish sites -- one at a kosher restaurant in Sydney and another at a synagogue in Melbourne.
“ASIO has now gathered enough credible intelligence to reach a deeply disturbing conclusion that the Iranian government directed at least two of these attacks. Iran has sought to disguise its involvement,” Albanese said.
He described the incidents as “extraordinary acts of aggression orchestrated by a foreign nation on Australian soil.”
The proposed law would align Australia more closely with allies such as the United States, which designated the IRGC as a terrorist organization in 2019.
The group, established in 1979 after Iran’s Islamic Revolution, reports directly to Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei and wields significant military, political, and economic influence at home and abroad. Its Quds Force oversees operations that have supported armed groups in Lebanon, Gaza, Yemen, and Syria.
Australia’s move follows its decision last week, along with New Zealand, to implement revived United Nations sanctions on Iran after European powers triggered the snapback mechanism over Tehran’s nuclear program. The sanctions reimposed restrictions on arms, finance, and missile activities.
Canberra has also joined G7 nations in condemning Iran’s repression of dissidents abroad and intimidation of diaspora communities. In September, Australia warned of “transnational repression” targeting journalists and Jewish groups.
Rowland said the latest legislative step reflects Australia’s evolving security environment. “The threats we face are changing,” she said. “This bill ensures that our national security laws remain fit for purpose -- robust, balanced, and capable of protecting all Australians.”
Turkey’s accelerating move to replace Russian and Iranian pipeline gas with domestic production and US liquefied natural gas (LNG) could shrink Tehran’s last major European export market, Reuters reported on Wednesday.
According to the analysis, written by Can Sezer, Ankara could meet more than half of its gas demand by 2028 through expanded production and LNG imports, sharply reducing the need for pipeline supplies from Iran and Russia.
US President Donald Trump has urged NATO ally Turkey to scale back energy ties with both countries, and the shift aligns with Washington’s push to isolate Moscow and Tehran from global energy markets.
Iran currently supplies Turkey with around 10 billion cubic meters (bcm) of gas annually under a contract due to expire in mid-2026.
The analysis said Ankara is unlikely to renew it under the same terms as it seeks greater flexibility and diversification.
The move comes as Turkey’s energy ministry boosts domestic gas output and signs multibillion-dollar deals to import LNG from the United States and Algeria.
Reuters calculations suggest Turkey’s domestic production and contracted LNG imports will exceed 26 bcm a year by 2028 -- compared with 15 bcm in 2025 -- enough to cover more than half of its estimated 53 bcm annual gas demand.
The remaining import gap of 26 bcm would be far below the 41 bcm currently contracted from Russia, Iran, and Azerbaijan combined.
Iran, already facing renewed UN and Western sanctions over its nuclear program and military activities, could see one of its most reliable export markets eroded as Turkey repositions itself as a regional gas hub, according to Sezer.
Ankara has also expanded its re-export capacity, recently signing supply deals with Hungary and Romania through its state-owned energy company BOTAS.
While Turkey has maintained that it will continue sourcing gas from all available suppliers, including Iran and Russia, its long-term strategy increasingly favors flexible LNG purchases over fixed pipeline contracts.
The ruling to confiscate the National Iranian Oil Company’s last European headquarters is yet another sign of the country’s shrinking global footprint and deepening isolation.
NIOC House, located on Victoria Street in central London overlooking Parliament and Westminster Abbey, was Iran’s last base in the Western hemisphere for managing oil contracts and sales. Brutalist in style, the 1975 building is valued at around £100 million ($125 million).
Iran lost its Rotterdam office in 2022, and Crescent may now seek additional Iranian assets in the UK or elsewhere, including frozen funds, though international sanctions could complicate enforcement.
NIOC still has the option to appeal to the UK Supreme Court—a process that could take up to two years.
The Calamitous Crescent
The Monday ruling upholds a 2021 decision ordering NIOC to pay damages, lost profits, interest, and legal costs, with interest continuing to accrue. A 2014 judgment had already confirmed that Iran breached a 2001 gas-supply contract with Crescent.
The 25-year Gas Sales and Purchase Contract (GSPC), signed under President Mohammad Khatami, envisioned Crescent processing up to 500 million cubic feet per day from Iran’s offshore Salman field and reselling it near the UAE border.
By 2005, however, NIOC halted deliveries, citing technical delays, and later accused Crescent executives of corruption before unilaterally terminating the contract. In subsequent proceedings, Iran failed to substantiate its claims.
Crescent began arbitration in 2009 under the International Chamber of Commerce. The ICC issued its first award in 2014 confirming Iran’s breach, and a final award in 2021 ordering NIOC to pay $2.4 billion. English courts later dismissed NIOC’s challenges.
In 2024, a UK court ordered the seizure of NIOC House, describing NIOC’s attempt to transfer ownership to the Oil Industry Pension and Welfare Fund as a “sham” maneuver to evade creditors.
Experts estimate the total cost to Iran — including legal fees and lost revenue from flared gas—at more than $7.25 billion.
Timeline
2005—NIOC halts gas deliveries, terminates contract
2009—Crescent files ICC arbitration
2014—ICC rules Iran breached contract
2021—Final award: $2.4 billion
2022—Dutch court seizes NIOC Rotterdam office
2023—UK High Court dismisses NIOC challenge
2024—UK orders seizure of NIOC House
2025 Sep 30—High Court enforces full award
2025 Oct 6—Court of Appeal rejects NIOC appeal
Reactions in Tehran
Iran’s state media framed the court ruling as “political interference,” linking it to sanctions despite the dispute predating them.
Former lawmaker Heshmatollah Falahatpisheh urged authorities to identify those responsible and “arrest those who make a fortune by exploiting their power and the nation’s assets.”
Political commentator Ahmad Zeidabadi lamented: “It is a shame that after 23 years, the people of Iran still do not know what happened, why the contract was terminated, and why the country must now pay such a steep price.”
For over two decades, hardliners and moderates have accused each other of wrongdoing and undermining the national interest over the Crescent deal.
But Crescent is not an exception in the Islamic Republic of Iran; it is the norm. And so would be the potential loss of NIOC House.
When Iran purchased the London building in 1975, it symbolized the country’s expanding reach in the global oil market. Today, Iran’s oil is traded through ghost fleets, and revenues flow through opaque networks tied to regime insiders.
NIOC House now stands as an emblem of Iran’s stunted growth and deepening isolation—the last remnant of an ambitious past, and a window into a despondent future.
Two years after Hamas-led October 7 attack on Israel, Daniel Lifshitz believes the tragedy that shattered his family was aided by Iran but insists peace, not vengeance, must define the future.
“The wound is very open,” he told Iran International.
“Forty-eight people are still in Gaza, nine from my community. Every time we mark this date, it feels like a funeral all over again.”
Daniel’s grandparents, Oded and Yocheved Lifshitz, were abducted from Kibbutz Nir Oz, a community near the Gaza border that lost more than a quarter of its residents that day, killed and captured.
They were lifelong peace activists who ferried Gazan patients to Israeli hospitals and spent decades advocating coexistence.
Daniel Lifshitz holding a photo of his grandfather Oded Lifshitz.
Yocheved, then 85, was released after 16 days — frail and traumatized. Oded, 83, was shot and dragged unconscious into Gaza, where he later died in captivity.
“He was a journalist, the first (Israeli) to interview Yasser Arafat,” Daniel said. “He warned everyone about Hamas.”
During captivity, Yocheved came face-to-face with Hamas leader Yahya Sinwar, who assured her in Hebrew she would soon be freed.
“She was only released because she was hours from dying,” Daniel said. Even now, he added, “she wakes every morning saying she still feels like she’s in a tunnel.”
Photo of Oded and Yocheved Lifshitz.
Daniel was in Paris when the attack began; his mother and daughter had left the kibbutz just hours earlier. His best friend, Dolev Yahud, was murdered, while Dolev’s sister, Arbel, spent 482 days in captivity before her release.
Although Daniel blames Iran’s longtime backing of Hamas for making the massacre possible, his message this year is clear: no more war.
Earlier this year, Daniel spoke at a two-state solution conference in Paris, where he called for renewed education and engagement between Israelis and Palestinians. “Everything begins with education,” he said.
“We don’t want any war between Israel and Iran,” Daniel said. “Change in Iran must come from the Iranian people.”
But Daniel also directed anger toward Israel’s own leadership, saying years of complacency and misjudgment left the country vulnerable.
“I do blame 100 percent our Prime Minister,” he said. “He’s been the Prime Minister for the last 20 years, and it’s his decision to neglect the diplomatic arena.”
Reflecting on Israel’s past strategy toward Hamas, Daniel said leaders wrongly believed the group could be managed or pacified through financial incentives.
He praised the Iranian diaspora for their empathy and courage. “The only people outside Israel who truly understood our pain were Iranians abroad,” he said. “They know what it’s like to live under terror.”
Standing on Tel Aviv’s Pinsker Street — one of those struck by Iranian missile fire earlier this year — Daniel reflected on resilience. “If we lose compassion, we lose who we are.”
Israel says the attack by Palestinian militants two years ago killed 1,200 people, most of them civilians, and took 251 people captive in Gaza, of whom some 20 are believed to be still alive there.
Palestinian health authorities say Israel's subsequent ground incursion and air attacks have killed more than 67,000 Palestinians.
In Washington, US President Donald Trump said this week that Iran had sent “a very strong signal” it wanted progress toward a Gaza agreement, describing “tremendous progress” in talks.
Iranian spokeswoman Fatemeh Mohajerani responded that Tehran would support any “lasting peace that benefits the people of Palestine and helps stop genocide.”
For Daniel, those diplomatic signals matter most if they lead to the end of the war and the return of the hostages.
“I hope the mark of two years will bring us to a year of healing,” he said. “Not another year of trauma.”
Daniel says he now carries his grandfather’s mission with him — the conviction that peace, empathy, and education are the only weapons strong enough to outlast war.
Iran's foreign minister faced criticism this week for accusing Israel of paying social media users to advance its agenda, after his intervention into an online spat on Mideast influence operations led to scrutiny of Iran's own social media maneuvers.
At the heart of the spat were comments by CNN commentator Van Jones on the Real Time with Bill Maher show in which he said public outrage over images of dead children in Gaza had been fueled by Iranian and Qatari disinformation campaigns.
Criticized online, he swiftly apologized for his “flat-out insensitive” remarks.
His detractors accused him of echoing Israeli narratives that deflect from the civilian toll of Israel’s war in Gaza, where tens of thousands of children have been killed, according to Gaza health authorities and UN estimates.
Iran’s deputy foreign minister Abbas Araghchi then weighed in on X, citing Jones's apology and asserting that Israel, unlike Iran, pays people to spread lies online.
His comments reignited scrutiny of a government long accused of censorship, manipulation, and repression.
Araghchi’s response — portraying Iran as a truth-teller — drew swift criticism from dissidents. Iran routinely shuts down the internet during protests, censors independent media, and runs cyber units that promote state messaging and harass dissidents.
“Iran’s first target is its own citizens,” said Siamak Aram, president of the National Solidarity Group for Iran (NSGIran), in an interview with Iran International. “It doesn’t stop at propaganda or misinformation; it doesn’t just pay its cyber army — it coerces, threatens, and even kills those who refuse to echo its narrative.”
One of the most high-profile examples of this repression is rapper Toomaj Salehi, who was imprisoned and reportedly tortured after using his music and social media to denounce government violence and support the “Woman, Life, Freedom” movement.
A report by the Israel Internet Association (IIA) last week found that the majority of disinformation circulated across global digital platforms during the Israel-Iran war in June served Iran's narrative. It was not clear how much was directed by Tehran.
Political activist Iman Vaez told Iran International: “It’s always ironic when those who scream the loudest about ‘paid lies’ are the same ones running massive online propaganda networks pretending it’s all just patriotism, not payroll.”
Laurence Norman, Brussels correspondent for The Wall Street Journal, pilloried Araghchi's on X.
Sharing a New York Post report based on an Israeli government–commissioned study that alleged Iranian bots posted more than 240,000 times to block US strikes on nuclear sites, he wrote: “No never,” before adding, “How about allowing Iranians free access to social media, whilst we’re on it” — a pointed jab at Iran’s tight control over domestic access to information online.
While Tehran denies such operations, Western governments have repeatedly accused it of malign cyber activity.
In September, the G7 Rapid Response Mechanism condemned Iran’s transnational repression and cyberattacks targeting journalists and diaspora activists.
Israel's role in digital manipulation is also well documented. In 2024, Global Affairs Canada said it had corroborated “elements” of an Israeli-linked misinformation campaign targeting Canadian politicians and citizens over Gaza.
The department confirmed it raised concerns directly with the Israeli government after its Rapid Response Mechanism detected a coordinated network of inauthentic accounts spreading divisive and Islamophobic content.
Reporting by Haaretz and The New York Times went further, revealing that Israel’s Ministry of Diaspora Affairs had funded a $2 million social-media operation to influence North American lawmakers and shape public opinion in favor of its war in Gaza.
Analyst Marcus Kolga, founder and director of DisinfoWatch and a senior fellow at the Macdonald-Laurier Institute, told Iran International that covert influence networks have become a central weapon for authoritarian governments.
“Iran has a long and well-established record of conducting influence operations in Western countries,” he said. “Like Russia and China, Tehran exploits sympathetic or opportunistic foreign influencers to legitimize its narratives and shape public opinion," said Kolga.
Kolga emphasized that legitimate public diplomacy differs sharply from covert propaganda. “Registered influence campaigns are lawful when they comply with disclosure rules,” he said. “Covert operations using fake personas and hidden funding should be regarded as malign — regardless of who is behind them.”
From Tehran to Tel Aviv to Doha, governments are waging an information war that extends far beyond the battlefield.