Construction projects in the Iranian capital Tehran
A former Iranian minister said the government’s recent deals with Chinese companies to build residential units in the capital are an "insult to Iran's engineering community" while the local economy is in freefall.
A former Iranian minister said the government’s recent deals with Chinese companies to build residential units in the capital are an "insult to Iran's engineering community" while the local economy is in freefall.
“We have given China privileges that are unprecedented in our country,” said Ahmad Khorram, former Roads and Transportation Minister under President Mohammad Khatami, in an interview with Jamaran News website.
Earlier this month, Tehran’s municipality announced that China will soon start building housing units in the capital. Mayor Alireza Zakani said several contracts have been signed with Chinese companies to revamp the capital’s infrastructure, including construction and transportation projects, at the expense of local businesses amidst a crippling economic crisis.
According to Khorram, such decisions are like “punching Iranian people in the face” and do not serve their interests. “Our private-sector companies are much smarter and much more specialized than the Chinese ones … If they [Tehran’s municipality officials] give this concession to Iranian contractors, they will run with enthusiasm to get the project off the ground.”
Ahmad Khorram, a cabinet minister in the late 1990s and early 2000's reformist government
Lambasting the close ties between Tehran and Beijing, the reformist politician stressed that China has undertaken the projects in return for buying Iran’s sanctioned oil 30 percent below the global price.
“The 30 percent oil money they don’t pay is all profit for them. For 25 or 30 percent of the rest of the oil money, they export goods to Iran, and by giving us goods, they make more than 50% profit,” he pointed out.
According to reports, China’s importation of oil from Iran increased by 60 percent in 2023, with Tehran selling 90 percent of its oil to Beijing. International tanker tracking companies say via middlemen and brokers and by ship-to-ship transfers which take place in international waters. The cargoes are mostly rebranded as Malaysian oil but apparently Malaysia does not interfere.
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a huge amount of Iranian oil is sold to China
Khorram further noted that building housing units will also guarantee a profit of over 100 percent for the Chinese companies. According to the former minister, Tehran provides Beijing with all these privileges to guarantee its support in the UN Security Council.
Both China and Russia have collaborated with the US over banning Iran’s nuclear program and were the first countries to back the Security Council’s resolutions against Iran, he went on to say.
Earlier in February, economic journalist Reza Gheibi told Iran International that Chinese encroachment into Iran's construction sector would have adverse effects related to opacity in the financial details of the scheme and its impact on local companies. There has been no word from the Chinese side confirming such a deal.
Tehran grapples with severe housing and transportation challenges, characterized by exorbitant real estate prices that are beyond the means of ordinary Iranians, who can barely afford rent.
According to Iran's leading economic daily Donyaye Eqtesad (World of Economy), owning a home in the Iranian capital Tehran has become virtually impossible while key indicators of quality of life are also in decline. The average time people need to save money to be able to buy a residence in Tehran has increased to a staggering 112 years, from about 22 years in 2005, the report added.
Over 20 collaborative research papers have been published in the past year between Australian universities and Iranian institutes, the Guardian reported.
This comes as Australian Foreign Minister Penny Wong earlier urged university leaders to halt joint projects with Iranian entities due to concerns over human rights abuses in Iran.
“I urge you to join with the Government to put on hold existing cooperation with Iranian entities, including … universities, and to refrain from any proposed new engagement,” Wong wrote.
While some collaborations focus on benign subjects like cancer research and renewable energy, others delve into critical technologies such as artificial intelligence and biotechnology, raising fears of potential military and surveillance applications in repressive regimes, says a report published by The Guardian.
Rana Dadpour, a former Iranian university teacher turned migration researcher at James Cook University, highlighted the state's direct influence on research agendas noting potential implications for surveillance and military purposes. Despite the warnings and insights, the extent of Australian university leaders' compliance with the government's request remains undisclosed.
“They have direct control over academic direction and research priorities,” she told the Guardian. She also added that some research areas would be directed by Iran’s Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC) and could be used for “surveillance or military purposes”.
Recent statistics on the 2022 and 2023 protests in Iran against the Islamic Republic have shed light on the scale and geographic distribution of protests across the country.
Figures released at a research seminar indicate that Tehran and Kordestan provinces were hotspots for demonstrations during the period.
The uprising, sparked by the death of 22-year-old Mahsa Amini in September 2022 while in the custody of the morality police, saw a wave of outrage sweep through Iran. Reports suggest that over 550 demonstrators lost their lives at the hands of the regime’s security forces in a matter of weeks, hundreds seriously injured and more than 20,000 people arrested.
Details of the geographic atlas documenting the protests were unveiled at the Sixth National Conference on Social and Cultural Research in Iranian Society. According to the atlas, provinces such as Esfahan, East Azarbaijan, Kermanshah, and Khuzestan experienced moderate levels of protests, while Kerman, Bushehr, Markazi, and Qazvin saw demonstrations to a lesser extent.
In contrast, the geographical atlas of the 2022 protests revealed that Ardebil, Qom, Yazd, Hamedan, Zanjan, Hormozgan, Bandar Abbas, Ilam, Lorestan, Golestan, and Chaharmahal-Bakhtiari provinces witnessed minimal protest activity.
The global community has denounced Iran's suppression of dissent, yet these condemnations have yet to yield tangible benefits for the populace. In response, the US enacted the MAHSA Act, significantly bolstering Washington's sanctions against the regime for its human rights violations.
The 2024 elections in Iran mirror past ones under the Islamist regime in various aspects, such as the arbitrary disqualification of candidates, and dwindling participation rates.
Amid numerous crises gripping the nation, the regime, under the control of its 84-year-old ruler Ali Khamenei, is striving desperately to achieve a high turnout to demonstrate that it still maintains popularity and a degree of legitimacy.
However, the rejection of hundreds of candidates has led to voter disillusionment and a shortage of candidates in certain provinces rendering the Assembly of Experts elections virtually non-competitive. There is also public disillusionment regarding the elections' impact, and the presence of mobile ballot boxes, which facilitate fraud, accounting for up to one-third of all voting stations. Similarly to prior elections, the Interior Ministry has reduced the eligible voting population from 65.7 million to 61 million, artificially inflating the turnout figures.
However, several distinctive features characterize this particular election cycle.
Lack of unity among hardliners
Facing no serious challenge after disqualifying rival candidates, the principlists, or pro-Khamenei hardliners, have no intention to unite. Instead, four sub-factions have emerged, each with its own list of candidates. Amidst this chaos, Ali Motahhari, an independent conservative, is offering his list of ex-officials and lesser-known university students for Tehran. This further compounds the confusion among the small but motivated pro-regime constituency.
Ali Motahhari, an independent conservative politician
Lack of issue-based debates and campaigns
Neither individual candidates nor groups and coalitions have articulated their plans should they enter parliament. No public discourse on issues is evident. In a society grappling with myriad challenges such as near 50-percent inflation rates, water scarcity, educational dropout rates, child labor, soaring healthcare costs, alarmingly high unemployment (up to 40 percent for university graduates), brain drain, skilled worker emigration, increasing crime rates, mental health issues affecting up to 25 percent of the population, and a housing crisis, the silence on these critical matters is striking and begs for public engagement.
Despite all these, candidates vie primarily to demonstrate their allegiance to the regime and Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei. They recognize that the public remains skeptical no matter what they pledge yet anticipate securing seats without addressing these concerns. Their focus is not on serving the people but on appeasing the ruling elite.
Lowering voter ID requirements
This time it appears people can vote as many times as they want. Their national IDs will not be stamped after casting a ballot and voters can show other IDs. According to the Interior Ministry’s election headquarter, voters can substitute “birth certificates, driver’s license, military service card and passport.” There is no local voting registration system in Iran. It seems that the government needs more votes and has opened the gate for as many as it can get.
Public apathy
Not only are over 75 percent of the population not planning to vote, but a significant portion of them are also unaware of the upcoming election in Iran. According to a Gamaan survey titled "Iranians' Attitudes Towards the 2024 Elections," conducted from January 31st to February 7th, 2024, approximately 38 percent of the population were unaware of the timing of the elections scheduled for March 1st.
Seriousness
Even the regime's propaganda machinery doesn't treat this political event with gravity. A good example is the comic street shows to encourage participation. Weeks before the controversial election day, the Ministry of Islamic Guidance and Culture hired Basij members to perform street shows to send supposedly convey the message that the “enemies” (Israel and the US) discourage people from voting. In these dramatic displays, they urge citizens “to strike a blow against imperialism” by turning out to vote in large numbers.
Above all, elections
The fundamental requirements for any election include freedom of speech, media, association, and assembly. However, under the Islamist regime, these freedoms are nonexistent. Citizens are only permitted to engage in state-sponsored rallies, parrot state-approved messages, join government-endorsed parties, and consume content from state-controlled media outlets. In such a stifling environment, genuine political competition, substantive debates on issues, and truly free and fair elections become unattainable.
In the midst of Iran's escalating proxy war, Tehran has leveled accusations of war crimes against the West, just hours after more joint US-UK attack on Yemen's Houthis.
The Iranian foreign ministry spokesperson criticized the United States and the United Kingdom for a series of extensive military attacks on Yemen, stating that “they have once again shown support for the war crimes and genocide perpetrated by the Zionist regime in Gaza and the West Bank.”
The attacks come as the Houthis continue to wage a naval blockade on the Red Sea and surrounding area. Beginning as a show of solidarity with Iran-backed Hamas in Gaza, targeting Israeli linked vessels, last week, the terror group as designated by the US and others, announced the US and UK were officially targets too, in response to their support for Israel's right to defend itself.
The conflict was sparked by the Hamas invasion of Israel on October 7, met with a relentless retaliation by Israel, which has become the bloodiest Gaza war since Hamas took control of the strip.
A more than 20-nation coalition has since been formed, led by the US, to counter the Iran-instigated blockade, safeguarding the trade route responsible for at least 12 percent of global trade.
In November, the Houthis hijacked the Galaxy Leader and its 25 crew members who remain in Yemen. Since then, dozens of attacks have been launched by the Houthis towards both Israel and vessels in the area.
A free tribune board in Tehran has revealed the vast array of discontent with Iranian government policies, with people declaring their refusal to participate in the upcoming elections.
At Amirkabir University, an image captured from the Free Tribune board showed a statement that read: "I do not vote because the parliament serves Gaza, Syria, and the officials' offspring." Another declared, "I abstain from voting due to soaring prices; officials have plundered all wealth, rendering the parliament non-representative."
A third opinion criticized the electoral process as a "pure dictatorship" fostering corruption.
Recent years have seen a notable decline in voter turnout attributed to economic hardships, suppression of dissent, and oversight by the Guardian Council. The trend has led to a crisis of legitimacy for the Islamic Republic.
Iranians are increasingly frustrated with the government's failure to address demands for increased freedoms and economic progress. Official figures show an inflation rate nearing 50%, with essential goods, particularly food, facing steep price rises.
The harsh crackdown on the 2022 protests has further stoked internal dissent, resulting in deaths, injuries, and arrests, amid ongoing social and economic oppression. The enforcement of hijab laws and internet censorship by hardline authorities have heightened surveillance, exacerbating public discontent.
With parliamentary and Assembly of Experts elections slated for March 1, anticipation mounts for historically low voter participation.