A protest rally in support for Iran's Woman Life Freedom movement in Toronto in 2022
More than a decade after Canada cut diplomatic ties with Iran, tensions remain high as calls to reopen embassies are met with deep resistance from Iranian Canadians who fear the Islamic Republic's influence and repression on Canadian soil.
Ali has been living in Canada for eleven years. When he and his wife immigrated, the Islamic Republic's embassy in Ottawa had already been closed, with diplomatic ties severed two years earlier.
Although Ali has never returned to Iran since arriving in Canada, his wife has made necessary trips back and had to renew her Iranian passport through the Interests Section of the Islamic Republic in Washington, DC.
One of these renewals contained legal errors — leaving her stranded in Iran at the time of the downing of Ukraine International Airlines Flight PS752.
On January 8, 2020, amid heightened tensions between Iran and the US following the killing of Qassem Soleimani, Flight PS752 was shot down by two missiles fired by Iran’s Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC) just six minutes after takeoff from Tehran.
All 176 people on board — as well as an unborn child — were killed.
Of those passengers, 138 were ultimately headed to Canada. The loss of 55 Canadian citizens and 30 permanent residents turned the downing into a national tragedy and further deepened the diplomatic rift between Ottawa and Tehran.
Canada cut diplomatic ties with Iran and shut down its embassy in Tehran in 2012, citing several concerns: Iran’s support for the Assad regime during the Syrian civil war, its defiance of United Nations resolutions on its nuclear program, ongoing threats against Israel, and security risks to Canadian diplomats after the British embassy in Tehran was attacked in breach of the Vienna Convention.
Iranians take to the streets of Toronto to support Woman Life Freedom movement in 2023
Iran’s message to Canada’s new government
In a rare development, CBC's senior international correspondent Margaret Evans was granted access to Iran earlier this month. During a press conference, she asked Esmail Baghaei, spokesperson for Iran’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs, about the future of diplomatic relations with Canada.
Baghaei responded: "The relationship was frozen unilaterally by Canada, not by Iran, and we never welcomed that decision because we think that decision was not for the benefit of either of the two nations."
He added: "I think it's for Canada to decide what course of action they want to take. I think the first step they have to take is to unravel the many sanctions and restraints that they have imposed on themselves and on our bilateral relations. We were never in favor of severing ties. Hundreds of thousands of Iranians live in Canada, and they were the first to suffer from this situation."
But for many in the Iranian-Canadian community, the presence of an Iranian embassy in Canada is not seen as benign — nor missed.
A matter of security and influence
Many Iranian Canadians argue that Iranian embassies abroad function less as diplomatic institutions and more as extensions of the regime’s intelligence and influence operations.
Critics say these missions monitor dissidents and facilitate connections with proxy groups abroad.
Ali, for one, opposes any effort to reopen the Islamic Republic’s embassy in Canada. "Despite weak immigration enforcement that has allowed many former regime officials to settle here," he says.
"The continued closure of the Islamic Republic's embassy in Ottawa has at least prevented further infiltration and harmful activity."
Canada’s official position: no plans to reengage
The Canadian government has made it clear that it has no intention of reestablishing diplomatic ties under current conditions. In response to a request from Iran International, Global Affairs Canada stated:
“Iran must make fundamental changes in its behavior — both domestically and internationally — before the re-establishment of diplomatic relations with Canada can be considered.”
The statement went on to say that Canada remains deeply concerned about:
Iran’s destabilizing activities in the Middle East
Violations of international human rights commitments, especially against women, girls, and minority groups
Until meaningful change is seen, Canada will continue its pressure campaign, which includes:
Listing Iran as a state supporter of terrorism under the State Immunity Act
Listing the IRGC as a terrorist organization under the Criminal Code
Imposing targeted sanctions
Conservatives: No normalization with a terrorist state
Since the beginning of Iran’s “Woman, Life, Freedom” movement in 2022, Canadians have repeatedly expressed support for the Iranian people. In 2024, the Canadian government officially listed the IRGC as a terrorist organization — a move long advocated by Conservatives.
Garnett Genuis, the Conservative MP who first introduced a motion in 2018 to designate the IRGC as a terrorist entity, reaffirmed his party’s position in an exclusive comment to Iran International:
“Proposals to re-establish ties with this extremist, terrorist-supporting regime are completely unacceptable. While the Liberals have historically supported reopening relations, Conservatives are proud of our record of standing up to the regime and supporting the Iranian people.”
Garnett Genuis conservative Mp in exclusive interview with Iran international
“The Iranian people deserve the opportunity to choose a government that reflects their aspirations for justice and peace. We stand with the people of Iran — not the regime. That will not change.”
Diplomacy — or expanded access for the Islamic Republic?
Some argue that diplomatic relations might help resolve bilateral issues — such as the investigation into the downing of PS752. Others believe such ties only give the Islamic Republic more room to maneuver. They point to countries like Sweden and the UK, where Iranian embassies exist but have done little to increase Tehran’s accountability.
Iranian Canadians have voiced their stance clearly in recent years. Tens of thousands have participated in public rallies, demonstrating not only their distance from the clerical establishment, but also their commitment to keeping Canada informed about the real demands of the Iranian people.
Today, many like Ali say they are willing to accept the consular complications that come with the absence of an embassy — if it means limiting the Islamic Republic’s access and influence in Canada.
The path forward in Tehran-Washington nuclear negotiations remains uncertain, but Oman has reportedly made two separate proposals to Iran that could provide a potential breakthrough in the stalled talks.
Although neither Iranian nor Omani authorities have officially announced the proposals' content, Iran's Foreign Minister Abbas Araghchi has said they are currently under review.
During his meeting with the Sultan of Oman this week, Iranian President Masoud Pezeshkian praised Muscat’s “active and constructive role in indirect negotiations,” reaffirming that “Iran fully trusts Oman.”
Observers widely believe that Pezeshkian’s visit went beyond the expansion of bilateral ties, as publicly stated, and was primarily focused on Oman’s initiatives.
Consortium or Freeze?
Ahead of Pezeshkian’s visit, conservative lawmaker Ahmad Bakhshayesh Ardestani revealed to Didban Iran news website that Oman had proposed either forming a consortium with Arab nations or implementing a period of freeze in enrichment.
Ardestani, who serves on the Parliament’s National Security and Foreign Policy Committee, said Iran had not accepted either plan, warning: “Past experience has shown that the other side tends to make additional demands after receiving concessions.”
The interview was later removed from the website. The outlet may have been instructed by security bodies to remove the interview because Ardestani claimed Iran could produce several nuclear bombs — a remark viewed as highly provocative.
According to media reports and analysts, the proposed consortium could include regional countries such as Saudi Arabia, Oman, the UAE, Qatar, and the United States.
The arrangement would aim to supply Iran with enriched uranium for civilian use in exchange for partial sanctions relief on Iran’s oil exports, central bank, and the shipping sector.
“Members of this consortium could monitor the process and report on it in order to build US trust,” Seyed Jalal Sadatian, former Iranian ambassador to the UK, told Shargh Daily on Tuesday.
“Evidence suggests that the Omani foreign minister is emphasizing this idea, stating that it is the best way to prove the civilian nature of Iran’s nuclear program without forcing Iran to completely halt uranium enrichment — which has always been a red line for Tehran. Furthermore, Iran insists that any action taken must be step-by-step and reciprocal,” he added.
The consortium idea had previously been floated by former Iranian nuclear negotiator Seyed Hossein Mousavian in a post on X ahead of the April 11 talks in Muscat.
Others have also discussed the possibility of a temporary freeze lasting from six months to three years.
“A temporary agreement would mean that Iran suspends uranium enrichment for a limited period, and in return, the United States eases some of the economic restrictions on Iran,” Iran newspaper quoted political analyst Ebrahim Mottaghi as saying.
What Might Tehran Accept?
Iranian media and observers have widely discussed both claimed proposals, ruling out one or both.
“What has been emphasized by Tehran so far is that it will not accept any consortium and, based on its legal rights under the NPT, it will not relinquish uranium enrichment carried out independently and on Iranian soil,” an editorial published by hardline Kayhan newspaper on Tuesday stated.
The idea of a three-year halt in enrichment “is also unacceptable to our country; even a short-term suspension of enrichment is a trick and a trap that must be strictly avoided,” the editorial added.
The IRGC-affiliated Javan newspaper, too, has dismissed the idea of a three-year freeze as “a unilateral proposal, not a middle-ground one.
Mottaghi, however, told Iran newspaper that a temporary agreement appeared to be more viable for both sides. “The reality is that Iran faces fewer challenges in accepting this option in comparison to the United States’ unilateral approaches, which are often marked by signs of maximalism.”
In a commentary for Ham-Mihan newspaper, political commentator Ahmad Zohdabadi argued that the consortium proposal may have lost traction due to disputes over its location, which echo the broader disagreement over recognition of Iran’s right to enrich uranium on its soil.
“Omani officials have taken on an extremely difficult task. Proposing a solution that simultaneously satisfies Iran, the United States, and other stakeholders appears highly improbable,” he wrote.
Iranian officials have acted swiftly to contain the potential damage to fragile Tehran-Riyadh relations following the arrest of a well-known Iranian cleric in Saudi Arabia for harshly criticizing the kingdom.
Hojatoleslam Gholamreza Ghasemian was detained in Medina on Monday after sharing a video on Instagram in which he launched a scathing attack on Saudi Arabia’s recent social and cultural transformations.
“Iran in no uncertain terms condemns any attempt to harm Muslim unity, particularly in the spiritual atmosphere of the Hajj,” Iranian Foreign Minister Abbas Araghchi posted in English on X Tuesday, adding that Tehran would not allow anyone to sabotage relations with Saudi Arabia.
“The highly competent management of this year's Hajj is well appreciated by Iran."
Iran’s ambassador to Riyadh, Alireza Enayati, also appeared to reassure Saudi authorities that Tehran disapproved of Ghasemian’s comments.
“Pilgrims respect the sanctity of the Two Holy Mosques and adhere to the governing regulations," Enayati posted on X in Arabic.
"No one will approve of bad or offensive speech.”
Earlier, however, judiciary spokesman Asghar Jahangiri, representing a hardline-dominated branch of the Islamic Republic, had called Ghasemian’s arrest “unjustified and unlawful.”
Saudi authorities twice provided consular access to the detained cleric, the consular chief at Iran's foreign ministry Majid Rezapanah said on Tuesday, in what may be interpreted as a goodwill gesture.
Saudi authorities have yet to comment on the incident.
Controversial broadside
In the video recorded in Muslim holy city of Medina shortly before his arrest, Ghasemian accused Saudi Arabia of moral decline.
“You no longer need to go to Antalya (in Turkey) for casinos, brothels and obscene concerts; instead, you can go to Mecca and Medina, here!” he said in the video while expressing alarm over what he described as the “will to give dominance to atheism” in Saudi Arabia.
Ghasemian, 52, was a supporter of ultra-hardliner candidate Saeed Jalili in the 2024 Iranian presidential election. He has longstanding ties to vigilante groups involved in attacks on the British and Saudi embassies in Tehran in 2011 and 2016—incidents that led to ruptures in diplomatic relations.
While around 100 individuals were arrested over the Saudi embassy incident, several who were convicted were later quietly acquitted.
Domestic blowback
Ghasemian’s remarks have triggered a backlash within Iran, where many see them as jeopardizing recent diplomatic progress with Mideast rival Riyadh.
The moderate conservative news outlet Asr-e Iran on Tuesday criticized Ghasemian and suggested that he be detained upon return to Iran if released by Saudi Arabia.
“Given his fame and his association with certain officials, it is necessary for the Islamic Republic to immediately and explicitly distance itself from his foolish remarks so that his positions are not attributed to Tehran,” Asr-e Iran wrote.
The outlet also suggested Ghasemian may have had a “mission to cause trouble for the country”, presumably by ultra-hardliners who disapprove of Tehran’s rapprochement with Saudi Arabia and nuclear talks with Washington.
“The acts of Ghasemian and those like him must be seen in the context of conspiracies that aim to prevent normalization of Iran's relations with its surrounding world,” Salar Ahmadi, a member of the central council of the reformist Neda-ye Iranian or Iranians’ Voice Party, posted on X. “The reason: past Experience!”
Ultra-hardliners, however, rallied in support of the cleric. “We will not remain silent until Hojatoleslam Ghasemian is released from the clutches of the House of Saud,” Mojtaba Vahdati, an ultra-hardliner activist with 11,000 followers on X, posted.
Other pro-government voices warned against turning Ghasemian into a political martyr. “Don’t turn someone into a hero who will once again force the foreign ministry to plead with the Saudis,” activist Hamed Aghel posted on X, pointing out that Iran would not tolerate such accusations from a foreigner.
Recent diplomatic progress
Shi'ite Tehran and Sunni Riyadh agreed to mend fences in a 2023 deal mediated by Beijing.
Ghasemian’s comments came weeks after a major diplomatic breakthrough: a historic visit by Saudi Defense Minister Prince Khalid bin Salman to Tehran in April—the highest-level visit by a Saudi official in decades.
Prince Khalid met with Iran’s Supreme Leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei and conveyed a message from his father King Salman bin Abdulaziz.
Tehran and Riyadh appear keen to stay in close touch as high-stakes US-Iran talks enter crunch time.
Araghchi visited Riyadh in early May to meet his Saudi counterpart and discuss the lay of the land in the region and progress in the nuclear talks.
Iran is open to compromise in nuclear talks with the United States, but uranium enrichment remains non-negotiable, CNN reported citing an interview with foreign ministry spokesperson Esmail Baghaei on Monday.
“If the intention is to make sure that Iran’s nuclear program would not be weaponized, I think that’s something that we could simply do,” Baghaei said.
“If the (US) intention is to deprive Iranians of their right to peaceful nuclear energy, I think that would be very problematic to the extent that I think it would really challenge the whole process,” he added.
Asked how a compromise could be reached, he replied, “So many ways,” without elaborating.
Following Tehran and Washington's fifth round of nuclear talks, US President Donald Trump on Sunday said that “real progress” had been made in recent talks with Iran and suggested there could be “some good news” in the coming days.
However, in spite of the contentiousness of the issue, Baghaei suggested there is room for maneuver.
“The fact that so far we have continued our talks means that we understand there is a certain level of understanding that Iran cannot under any circumstances give up its right to peaceful nuclear energy,” he said.
Last week, Iran's Supreme Leader, Ali Khamenei, ruled out the option of ceasing enrichment.
"Saying things like 'we won’t allow Iran to enrich uranium' is way out of line. No one is waiting for anyone’s permission. The Islamic Republic has its own policy, its own approach, and it will continue to pursue it," he said, going as far as to say he felt it would be the issue to break the talks.
"Indirect negotiations took place (under Raisi) as well—just like now—but without results,” Khamenei said during a memorial ceremony for the late president and others killed in a helicopter crash last May.
“We do not think it would yield results now either. We do not know what will happen.”
A senior Iranian cleric affiliated with the office of Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei was arrested in Saudi Arabia during the annual Hajj pilgrimage after publishing a video critical of the kingdom’s religious and cultural policies, Iranian state media reported on Monday.
Gholamreza Ghasemian, a conservative religious scholar and a former head of Iran’s parliamentary library and documentation center, was detained in the city of Medina while performing Hajj rituals, the reports said.
On Tuesday, Iran’s judiciary spokesman said the arrest of Gholamreza Ghasemian in Saudi Arabia was “unjustified and unlawful,” adding that the Foreign Ministry would follow up on the case.
Saudi authorities have not commented publicly on the matter.
In a video posted before his arrest, Ghasemian criticized Saudi Arabia, accusing it of transforming the Islamic holy cities of Mecca and Medina into destinations for entertainment and commercialization.
He also described conditions for pilgrims as highly restrictive, alleging that Saudi authorities prevent worshippers from engaging deeply with Islamic teachings during Hajj.
Cleric linked to 2016 Saudi embassy attack
Ghasemian has been linked by an Iranian documentary filmmaker to the 2016 attack on Saudi diplomatic missions in Iran, which triggered a major rupture in relations between Tehran and Riyadh.
According to the filmmaker, Javad Mogouei, Ghasemian gave a fiery speech at a religious gathering shortly before some attendees went on to storm the Saudi embassy in Tehran.
The assault on the embassy and the consulate in Mashhad came after Saudi Arabia’s execution of prominent Shia cleric Nimr al-Nimr. The incident led Riyadh to sever diplomatic ties, accusing Iran of failing to protect foreign missions. Iranian security forces were widely criticized for allowing demonstrators to set fire to the embassy and destroy diplomatic property.
Saudi and Iran continue to rebuild relations
The arrest comes at a time of cautious rapprochement between Tehran and Riyadh, who resumed diplomatic relations in 2023 after a seven-year break.
In April, Saudi Defense Minister Prince Khalid bin Salman made a rare visit to Tehran, marking only the second such trip since Iran’s 1979 revolution.
Ties have also improved in practical terms. Earlier this month, a direct flight by Saudi carrier Flynas landed in Iran for the first time in nearly a decade, marking the start of Hajj operations under a bilateral agreement that will see around 37,000 Iranian pilgrims flown to Saudi Arabia by July 1. Flynas and Iran Air are jointly operating the routes.
Iran and France traded barbs after dissident filmmaker Jafar Panahi won cinema’s most coveted prize at Cannes, but the diplomatic rift between the two countries runs far deeper than red carpets and celebrity politics.
“There have been many transgressions making a mockery of France’s ‘human rights activism,’” Abbas Araghchi wrote on X, posting a screenshot of a Common Dreams headline from November 2024: “‘Pathetic’: France Says It Will Not Enforce ICC Arrest Warrant for Netanyahu.”
“But perhaps nothing has made the hypocrisy as stark as the French approach to the Israeli regime and its war crimes,” he wrote.
Iran summoned the French embassy's chargé d'affaires on Sunday after French foreign minister Jean-Noël Barroti called Panahi a symbol of resistance against what he said was Iran's oppressive policies.
Nuclear disagreements
France is one of the three European signatories to the 2015 nuclear deal—known as the E3—alongside Germany and the UK. It has the power to trigger the snapback mechanism, which would reimpose UN sanctions lifted under the agreement.
The deadline for this is October 18, as set by UN Security Council Resolution 2231.
According to The Jerusalem Post, senior E3 officials have privately warned Washington that Tehran is deliberately dragging its feet in nuclear talks, potentially weakening the ability of the Europeans to reimpose UN sanctions if negotiations collapse.
Some state-linked outlets in Iran have long accused France of adopting the toughest stance within the P5+1 group.
“France has long played the role of a ‘pressure actor’ in Iran’s nuclear dossier,” a Nour News commentary argued last month. “In effect, Paris acted as the ‘bad cop’ in the negotiations, assuming the tactical role of a disruptor within the P5+1 mechanism,” the piece said.
French firms exit Iran
Tensions are also rooted in economic fallout.
Following the reimposition of US secondary sanctions in 2018, several major French companies exited Iran, abandoning multibillion-dollar ventures launched after the 2015 deal.
In 2017, TotalEnergies signed a $4.8 billion agreement to develop Phase 11 of Iran’s South Pars gas field—then the largest Western energy investment in Iran since the nuclear deal. The company withdrew in 2018.
France’s auto sector was similarly hit. PSA Group (Peugeot-Citroën) suspended joint ventures with Iran in June 2018, despite a 2016 deal with SAIPA to invest €300 million. Renault also pulled out of a project to produce 150,000 vehicles annually with plans to expand to 300,000.
Detained citizens
France has repeatedly accused Iran of “hostage diplomacy”—detaining foreign nationals as leverage in negotiations.
On May 16, Paris filed a case against Iran at the International Court of Justice over the detention of two French citizens and Tehran’s refusal to grant consular access for more than a year.
Cécile Kohler, a teacher, and her partner Jacques Paris were arrested in 2022 and later appeared on Iranian state TV making what France says were coerced confessions.
French Foreign Minister Barrot warned in January that the release of detained French nationals would directly affect bilateral ties and potential sanctions.
Tehran, meanwhile, accuses Paris of politically motivated arrests of its citizens.
In April, France arrested dual national Shahin Hazamy over alleged support for Hezbollah and Palestinian groups online. In February, French authorities detained Mahdieh Esfandiari, a language teacher, on charges of inciting violence and defending terrorism. Iran says it has been denied consular access in both cases.
In February, French authorities also arrested Mahdieh Esfandiari, a language teacher and translator, on charges of publicly defending terrorism and inciting violence online.
Iran's foreign ministry spokesman Esmail Baghaei said on April 7 that Iran was denied consular access to her.
Sanctions over rights, Ukraine war
France has sanctioned dozens of Iranian individuals and entities—either unilaterally or with EU partners—for Tehran’s crackdown on popular protests and its provision of drones and missiles to Russia for the war in Ukraine.
Those targeted include senior IRGC figures and executives of state-affiliated media.
The clash over Jafar Panahi may have brought tensions into the spotlight, but the grievances on both sides point to a relationship under sustained and widening strain.